2021.07.24 1293 Only the national dividend is consistent with the original purpose

2021.07.24 1293 Only the national dividend is consistent with the original purpose

Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend: The Only Policy Aligned with the Original Intent
The Divine Mandate: My Vision for Korea’s Redemption

Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend is in Line with its Original Purpose!! 1293rd Huh Kyung-young Saturday Lecture (2021.07.24)

1. Keyword Frequency

• policy: 25
• money: 23
• basic income: 22
• tax: 18
• factory: 14
• professor: 13
• economy: 12
• book: 11
• president: 11
• gift: 11

2. Today’s Central Metaphor
   The central metaphor distinguishes between “luminous bodies” (발광체) like the sun, which generate their own light, and “reflective bodies” (반사체) like the moon, which merely reflect light from others, to characterize politicians who copy Huh Kyung-young’s ideas without original thought or substance.

3. Lecture in Numbers

• 150만 won (1.5 million KRW): Monthly National Dividend payment for all citizens.
• 70만 won (0.7 million KRW): Additional monthly old-age allowance for seniors aged 65 and above.
• 220만 won (2.2 million KRW): Total monthly payment for seniors (1.5 million KRW National Dividend + 0.7 million KRW old-age allowance).
• 70%: Percentage of national budget to be saved by the National Dividend system.
• 560조 won (560 trillion KRW): Annual national budget.
• 200조 won (200 trillion KRW): Current annual welfare budget.
• 50만 won (0.5 million KRW): Annual basic income proposed by Lee Jae-myung.
• 3만 won (30,000 KRW): Monthly basic income proposed by Lee Jae-myung.
• 1800만 won (18 million KRW): Annual National Dividend proposed by Huh Kyung-young.
• 150만 won (1.5 million KRW): Monthly National Dividend proposed by Huh Kyung-young.
• 50%: Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend amount relative to the national basic income.
• 4만 won (40,000 KRW): Monthly basic income mentioned as insufficient.
• 100: Number of National Assembly members to be reduced.
• 300만 won (3 million KRW): Amount given for marriage.
• 300만 won (3 million KRW): Amount for basic living expenses.
• 10만 won (100,000 KRW): Birthday gift from the president.
• 1,000만 won (10 million KRW): Funeral expenses.
• 4,000만 won (40 million KRW): Marriage expenses.
• 3,000만 won (30 million KRW): Marriage expenses (another mention).
• 20만 won (200,000 KRW): Dating allowance.
• 3조 won (3 trillion KRW): Annual budget for birthday cakes.
• 400조 won (400 trillion KRW): Amount saved by reducing the budget.
• 200조 won (200 trillion KRW): Amount increased through tax system reform.
• 100조 won (100 trillion KRW): Amount from expanding the fine system and reducing prisons.
• 500만: Number of special business operators.
• 100조 won (100 trillion KRW): Annual increase from special business operators.
• 800조 won (800 trillion KRW): Total available funds.
• 30%: Percentage of individual income for basic income in Switzerland, rejected by 70% of citizens.
• 3,600만 won (36 million KRW): Annual basic income in Switzerland (30% of individual income).
• 365 years: Original human lifespan.
• 900 years: Lifespan of some individuals in ancient times.
• 100 years: Current human lifespan.
• 3,596 years: Lifespan after Noah’s flood.
• 1,100,000: Huh Kyung-young’s Facebook follower count.
• 159,000: Moon Jae-in’s Facebook follower count.
• 33,000: Ahn Cheol-soo’s Facebook follower count.
• 30,000: Sim Sang-jung’s Facebook follower count.
• 13,000: Lee Jae-myung’s Facebook follower count.
• 45%: Ahn Cheol-soo’s popularity rating at one point.
• 1 hour: Duration of KBS broadcast featuring Huh Kyung-young.
• 80: Age of elderly people who recognized Huh Kyung-young as a “luminous body”.

4. Signature Sentence
   “Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend alone aligns with its original purpose.”

5. Concise Summary & Highlights
   Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend is the only genuine solution to national crises.

• It proposes a monthly 1.5 million KRW National Dividend for all citizens, with an additional 0.7 million KRW for seniors.
• It aims to elevate the poor and working class to the middle class.
• The funding comes from a 70% reduction in the national budget and the “33 policies.”
• It contrasts sharply with other politicians’ “basic income” proposals, which are deemed mere “pocket money.”
• It involves comprehensive reform of the tax system, welfare programs, and the introduction of a special business operator system.
• It is presented as a panacea for national suffering and a true “spirit of the times.”

6. Scriptural / Religious Citations
   Not prominently present in the transcript.

7. Historical & Epochal Context
   The lecture is situated in a contemporary South Korea grappling with economic failure, corruption, and injustice, leading to widespread public suffering and questioning of the nation’s direction. Huh Kyung-young positions his “33 policies” and National Dividend as the “spirit of the times” (시대정신), a term he claims to have coined, to address these pressing societal issues. He references historical presidential elections in Korea where unexpected candidates won, suggesting a pattern of deviation from public expectation.

8. Key Figures & Events Referenced

• Kang Sung-jin (강성진): Professor of Economics at Korea University, who criticized basic income proposals from both ruling and opposition parties, stating they are “variations of pocket money” and that only Huh Kyung-young’s proposal aligns with the original purpose of basic income.
• Lee Jae-myung (이재명): Gyeonggi Province Governor and presidential candidate, whose basic income proposal of 500,000 KRW annually (40,000 KRW monthly) is criticized as insufficient.
• Yang Jun-ho (양준호): A 26-year-old candidate in the People Power Party’s spokesperson selection debate, who gained attention for stating that Huh Kyung-young’s policies were correct, particularly regarding low birth rates.
• Kim Gu (김구): Historical figure who was expected to become president but Lee Syngman won.
• Lee Syngman (이승만): First President of South Korea.
• Shin Ik-hee (신익희): Presidential candidate who died unexpectedly.
• Cho Byeong-ok (조병옥): Presidential candidate who lost to Lee Syngman.
• Yun Bo-seon (윤보선): President whose power was taken by Park Chung-hee.
• Park Chung-hee (박정희): President who took power from Yun Bo-seon.
• Kim Dae-jung (김대중): Presidential candidate who lost to Chun Doo-hwan and Kim Young-sam before eventually becoming president.
• Chun Doo-hwan (전두환): General who became president.
• Kim Young-sam (김영삼): President who defeated Kim Dae-jung.
• Lee Hoi-chang (이회창): Presidential candidate who was expected to win but lost due to a son’s military service issue.
• Roh Moo-hyun (노무현): President who defeated Lee Hoi-chang.
• Park Geun-hye (박근혜): President who was impeached.
• Moon Jae-in (문재인): Former President of South Korea, whose Facebook popularity is compared to Huh Kyung-young’s.
• Ahn Cheol-soo (안철수): Politician whose popularity is compared to Huh Kyung-young’s, and whose supporters reportedly shifted to Huh Kyung-young’s rallies.
• Sim Sang-jung (심상정): Politician whose Facebook popularity is compared to Huh Kyung-young’s.
• Lee Jun-seok (이준석): Politician who reportedly observed Huh Kyung-young’s popularity and discussed it on KBS.
• Lee Cheol-woo (이철우): Former National Assembly member who appeared on KBS discussing Huh Kyung-young.
• Alaskan Permanent Fund: Referenced as an example of a region providing a citizen dividend.
• Switzerland: Referenced as a country where a basic income proposal (30% of individual income) was rejected by 70% of the public.

9. Core Concept Definitions

• National Dividend (국민배당금): A system proposed by Huh Kyung-young to provide 1.5 million KRW monthly to all citizens, with additional benefits for seniors, funded by significant budget cuts and new revenue streams. It aims to eliminate poverty and elevate the middle class.
• 33 Policies (33 정책): A comprehensive set of policies proposed by Huh Kyung-young, centered on the National Dividend, designed to resolve national crises and improve citizens’ lives.
• Spirit of the Times (시대정신 / The Spirit of the Times): A term, claimed to be coined by Huh Kyung-young, referring to the essential needs and prevailing consciousness of the current era, which he asserts are embodied in his 33 policies.
• Luminous Body (발광체): A scientific term for an object that emits its own light (e.g., the sun), used metaphorically by Huh Kyung-young to describe himself as an original source of ideas and solutions.
• Reflective Body (반사체): A scientific term for an object that reflects light from another source (e.g., the moon), used metaphorically by Huh Kyung-young to describe other politicians who merely copy or adapt his ideas without true originality or understanding.
• Special Business Operator (특수 사업자): A proposed legal status for individuals who generate income through referrals or connections (e.g., real estate, medical, funeral services, matchmaking), allowing them to legally report and pay taxes on such earnings, thereby expanding the tax base and reducing unemployment.
• Haneulgung (하늘궁): A spiritual and political center associated with Huh Kyung-young.
• God-man (神人): A divine human or god-man, a term Huh Kyung-young uses to describe himself.

10. Central Questions & Answers

• Central Question: How can South Korea overcome its current state of economic failure, corruption, injustice, and public suffering, and what is the true “spirit of the times” needed to address these issues?
• Speaker’s Answer: The only way to solve these problems is through the National Dividend and 33 policies of the National Revolutionary Party, which embody the true “spirit of the times.” These policies will transform the nation, alleviate suffering, and elevate all citizens to the middle class, unlike the superficial “basic income” proposals of other politicians.

11. Conclusion & Strategic / Philosophical Implications
    The lecture concludes by reiterating that only Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend aligns with the true purpose of basic income, emphasizing its comprehensive funding plan and the elimination of existing inefficient welfare programs. The strategic implication is that his policies offer a radical, all-encompassing solution to national problems, contrasting with the perceived inadequacy and superficiality of other political proposals. Philosophically, it suggests a belief in a divinely guided, meticulously planned approach to governance, where the leader (God-man) possesses unique insights and a personal history of hardship that enables him to truly understand and address the people’s suffering. The call to action is for citizens to recognize the authenticity of his proposals and support his vision for a transformed nation.

12. Cross-Referencing

• Other works/lectures by the same speaker: He references his own extensive writings, including “thousands of pages of comics” and “over 10 books” detailing his plans for national and global governance, including the construction of a “World Unification Emperor’s House” and a “World Unification Government Complex”. He also mentions his “33 policies” as a consistent framework.
• Related theories, books, or research: He references Professor Kang Sung-jin’s article in the Munhwa Ilbo titled “The Three Traps of Basic Income,” which he interprets as supporting his own National Dividend proposal. He also mentions the concept of “basic income” as debated in Switzerland and Alaska.
• Historical parallels or precedents: He draws parallels to historical Korean presidential elections where unexpected candidates won, suggesting a pattern of divine intervention or a unique destiny for leaders.

13. Content Gaps & Unaddressed Areas
    While his National Dividend is funded by a 70% reduction in the national budget and other revenue streams, the specific details of how such a drastic budget cut would be implemented without severely impacting essential public services are not fully elaborated. For example, which specific government departments or programs would face the most significant cuts beyond the mentioned welfare programs, and what would be the societal implications of such reductions? The mechanism for the “200 trillion KRW increase from tax system reform” and “100 trillion KRW from expanding the fine system” could also benefit from more detailed explanations of their feasibility and potential impact on citizens.

14. Future Predictions & Prophetic Statements

• World Unification Emperor’s House and Government Complex: Huh Kyung-young predicts that upon becoming president, he will build a “World Unification Emperor’s House” and a “World Unification Government Complex”.
• Publication of his books: his extensive writings, including books on national and global plans, will only be published once he becomes president.
• Future of Korea: He claims his books contain all plans for the future of Korea.
• World Unification: He predicts that he will achieve world unification.
• Completion of the “Horse Saddle”: He links his emergence as president to the completion of major expressways in Korea, which he metaphorically refers to as the “horse saddle” on the Korean Peninsula (shaped like a horse).
• National Dividend and 33 Policies as the “Spirit of the Times”: his policies are the current “spirit of the times” and will be recognized as such.
• Presidential Gifts and Economic Impact: Upon becoming president, he will give birthday gifts (100,000 KRW cash, cake, other gifts) to all citizens annually, 10 million KRW for funerals, 40 million KRW for weddings, and 200,000 KRW for dating. These gifts will be sourced from local factories, boosting regional economies and creating jobs for delivery personnel.
• Fair Elections: He predicts that the public will no longer tolerate unfair elections that exclude him.

Executive Insight
Huh Kyung-young’s lecture presents a radical vision for South Korea, centered on his “National Dividend” and “33 policies,” which he positions as the sole solution to the nation’s deep-seated problems of economic hardship, corruption, and injustice. He meticulously contrasts his comprehensive, fully funded proposals—including a 1.5 million KRW monthly dividend, significant budget cuts, and tax reforms—with what he dismisses as other politicians’ superficial “pocket money” basic income schemes. His narrative is deeply personal, drawing on his own experiences of extreme poverty and self-education to underscore his empathy and unique qualifications to lead. The strategic takeaway is his consistent emphasis on originality and substance, portraying himself as a “luminous body” of ideas against “reflective” political rivals. For professionals, this highlights the power of a clear, differentiated, and emotionally resonant platform, even when challenging established norms, and the importance of a perceived authentic connection to the struggles of the populace.

Meeting Minutes: Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend Aligns with Original Intent

Ⅰ. Meeting Overview

Category	Details
Date	July 24, 2021
Location	Not specified
Participants	Huh Kyung-young, Audience
Agenda	Discussion on Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend and 33 Policies, criticism of other basic income proposals, and the current political landscape.

Ⅱ. Meeting Discussion

• Critique of Current Economic and Political Landscape

  • The current state of South Korea is characterized by economic policy failures, corruption, and injustice, leading to public suffering and despair.
  • The only solution is the National Revolutionary Party’s National Dividend and 33 Policies.
  • The 33 Policies aim to elevate the impoverished and working-class to the middle class.

• Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend Policy

  • Monthly Payments: 1.5 million KRW to all citizens, with an additional 700,000 KRW (totaling 2.2 million KRW) for seniors over 65 to address old-age anxiety.
  • Funding: This policy is funded by a 70% reduction in the national budget and the implementation of the 33 Policies.
  • Impact: The National Dividend and 33 Policies are presented as a panacea for South Korea’s crises and public suffering.

• Critique of Other Basic Income Proposals

  • Professor Kang Seong-jin’s Criticism: Kang Seong-jin, an economics professor at Korea University, criticized basic income proposals from both ruling and opposition parties, calling them “variations of pocket money”.
  • “Three Traps of Basic Income”: Kang Seong-jin identified three traps in basic income proposals :
  • Maintaining the existing 200 trillion KRW welfare system while providing additional payments.
  • The proposed amount by Lee Jae-myung (500,000 KRW annually, 30,000 KRW monthly) is insufficient and merely “pocket money”.
  • Funding through land taxes, which are already part of the tax revenue.
  • Comparison with Huh Kyung-young’s Plan: Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend of 18 million KRW annually (1.5 million KRW monthly) is significantly higher and represents 50% of the national basic income, unlike the “pocket money” level of other proposals.
  • Swiss Referendum: Switzerland rejected a basic income proposal of 36 million KRW annually (30% of individual income) because citizens felt they did not need it.
  • Conclusion by Professor Kang: Professor Kang concluded that Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend is the most appropriate and aligns with the original intent of basic income principles.

• Huh Kyung-young’s Vision and Policies

  • Comprehensive Planning: Huh Kyung-young claims to have meticulously planned for national and global governance since childhood, including detailed blueprints for a unified world government and imperial House.
  • Historical Analysis of Presidential Elections: Huh Kyung-young analyzed past presidential elections, noting that favored candidates often failed, and unexpected individuals won.
  • Cosmological and Philosophical Framework: Huh Kyung-young presented a complex framework of universal principles (Jiri, Sunri, Dori, Hamri, Yunri, Jinri, Seomri, Cheonri, Baekri, Pyeonin) that govern the universe and human existence.
  • Future of Korea and World Unification: Huh Kyung-young believes the Korean Peninsula, shaped like a horse, is destined for world unification, with the completion of the national highway network symbolizing the “saddle” for his leadership.
  • 33 Policies as “Spirit of the Times”: his 33 Policies embody the “spirit of the times” (더 스피릿 오브 더 타임스), addressing issues like fairness, birth rates, and reducing the number of National Assembly members.
  • Specific Policy Examples:
  • Wedding Support: 30 million KRW for marriage.
  • Funeral Support: 10 million KRW for funerals.
  • Dating Support: 200,000 KRW for dating.
  • Birthday Gifts: 100,000 KRW cash gift, a letter, and a gift (cake, tteok, toys, seasonal items like gloves or jackets) from the President, sourced from local businesses to stimulate regional economies.
  • Funding for National Dividend:
  • Elimination of existing welfare programs (excluding disability and basic old-age pensions) to save 200 trillion KRW.
  • 70% reduction in the national budget, saving 400 trillion KRW.
  • Tax system reform to increase tax revenue by 200 trillion KRW, including tax integration and anti-tax evasion measures.
  • Expansion of the fine system and reduction of prisons to generate 100 trillion KRW.
  • Legal reform for 5 million special business operators (brokers) to generate 100 trillion KRW in tax revenue from previously untaxed income.
  • These measures would generate a total of 800 trillion KRW, sufficient to fund the National Dividend and other welfare programs.

• Huh Kyung-young’s Personal Background and Philosophy

  • Childhood Hardship: Huh Kyung-young recounted his difficult childhood, working multiple jobs (factory worker, bus assistant, newspaper delivery, shoe shiner, gold and diamond processing) while attending night school, often going hungry.
  • Empathy for the Suffering: His experiences led him to deeply understand the struggles of ordinary people, which informed his policy proposals.
  • “Luminous Body” (발광체) vs. “Reflective Body” (반사체): Huh Kyung-young described himself as a “luminous body” (광원), emitting his own light and ideas, while other politicians are “reflective bodies” (반사체), merely reflecting others’ ideas.

• Public Support and Media Recognition

  • Yang Jun-ho’s Endorsement: Yang Jun-ho, a young candidate in the People Power Party’s spokesperson selection debate, publicly stated that his proposed solutions for low birth rates were “Huh Kyung-young style”.
  • High Popularity: Huh Kyung-young consistently ranks high in online popularity polls, often surpassing established politicians.
  • KBS Feature: KBS aired a one-hour special on Huh Kyung-young, featuring politicians like Lee Jun-seok and Lee Cheol-woo discussing his impact on young voters.

• White Heaven Membership

  • Completion of Payments: Members who have outstanding payments for their White Heaven membership are encouraged to complete them to ensure their path to the White Heaven.
  • Support for Haneulgung: Completing these payments helps the development of Haneulgung.

Ⅲ. Action Items

• Review and Disseminate National Dividend Details: Huh Kyung-young’s team to ensure clear communication of the National Dividend’s funding mechanisms and benefits, especially in contrast to other basic income proposals.
• Address Public Misconceptions: Proactively clarify how the National Dividend will replace existing welfare programs to avoid confusion and address concerns about funding.
• Leverage Public Support: Continue to engage with the public and media to highlight the unique aspects and broad appeal of Huh Kyung-young’s policies.
• Encourage White Heaven Membership Completion: Remind White Heaven members with outstanding payments to complete them to support Haneulgung’s development.

Basic

1. what is the only way to solve the current problems of economic policy failure, corruption, and injustice in South Korea?
   ① Implementing stricter legal penalties for corruption
   ② Increasing international trade agreements
   ③ Distributing national dividends and implementing the 33 policies
   ④ Investing heavily in technological innovation

(③ Distributing national dividends and implementing the 33 policies, He explicitly states that the national dividend payment and 33 policies are the only solutions to the nation’s problems, not other general solutions.)

2. True or False: the proposed National Dividend (국민 배당금) of 1.5 million won per month is intended to replace all existing welfare programs, except for basic old-age pensions and disability benefits.

(True, existing welfare programs, including basic livelihood support, would be abolished and replaced by the National Dividend, with the exception of specific benefits like those for the disabled and the elderly.)

3. What is the monthly amount of the National Dividend that Mr. Huh proposes to pay to every citizen?
   ① 50,000 won
   ② 150,000 won
   ③ 500,000 won
   ④ 1,500,000 won

(④ 1,500,000 won, He repeatedly states that the National Dividend will be 1.5 million won per month for everyone.)

4. Fill in the blank: He criticizes other politicians’ “basic income” proposals, calling them a “변종” (variant) of __.

(용돈 (pocket money), He and the referenced professor criticize other basic income proposals as mere “pocket money” or a variant of it, implying they are insufficient.)

5. True or False: the “33 policies” are centered around the middle class, aiming to elevate all impoverished and working-class citizens to middle-class status.

(True, the 33 policies are centered on the people and aim to raise the poor and working class to the middle class.)

6. how much would a person aged 65 or older receive monthly, combining the National Dividend and old-age allowance?
   ① 1,500,000 won
   ② 700,000 won
   ③ 2,200,000 won
   ④ 3,000,000 won

(③ 2,200,000 won, He specifies that those 65 and older would receive 1.5 million won in National Dividend plus 700,000 won in old-age allowance, totaling 2.2 million won.)

Intermediate

1. He mentions a professor who criticized other basic income proposals but supported His National Dividend. What was the professor’s main criticism of other basic income plans?
   ① They were too expensive and lacked proper funding.
   ② They did not adequately address the issue of inflation.
   ③ They proposed giving additional money without reforming existing welfare systems.
   ④ They focused too much on urban populations and neglected rural areas.

(③ They proposed giving additional money without reforming existing welfare systems., The professor’s criticism, as cited by the speaker, was that other basic income plans would add to the existing 200 trillion won welfare budget without streamlining or eliminating current programs.)

2. Short Answer: Explain His “33 policies” in terms of their financial impact on the national budget and their overall goal.

(The 33 policies aim to save 70% of the national budget and generate sufficient funds for the National Dividend. Their overall goal is to resolve the nation’s crises and alleviate citizens’ suffering.)

3. He contrasts his National Dividend proposal with other basic income plans. Which of the following is a key difference highlighted by Mr. Huh regarding the funding of his proposal?
   ① It relies solely on increased taxes on the wealthy.
   ② It involves a 70% reduction in existing national budget expenditures.
   ③ It requires significant foreign investment and loans.
   ④ It is funded by a new national lottery system.

(② It involves a 70% reduction in existing national budget expenditures., He explicitly states that his plan involves saving 70% of the national budget, unlike other proposals that merely add to existing budgets.)

4. Short Answer: Describe His personal experiences that he claims make him uniquely qualified to propose the National Dividend and understand the struggles of ordinary citizens.

(He recounts his difficult youth, working multiple factory jobs (like making diamond ropes and gold rings), delivering newspapers, and shining shoes, often going hungry. these experiences of “eating tears” and “selling blood” to study give him a deep understanding of people’s suffering, making him uniquely qualified to propose the National Dividend.)

Advanced

1. Short Answer: He introduces the concept of “시대정신” (spirit of the times) and claims to have coined the term in a political context. How does he connect his “33 policies” to this “spirit of the times,” and what specific issues does he claim they address?

( his “33 policies” embody the “spirit of the times” (더 스피릿 오브 더 타임스), claiming he was the first to use this term in a political context. He connects these policies to addressing critical issues like fairness, reducing the number of National Assembly members to 100 (unpaid honorary positions), providing national dividends, and solving the low birth rate and marriage problems by offering 300 million won for marriage.)

2. Short Answer: He describes a “발광체” (luminous body) and “반사체” (reflective body) in relation to politicians. Explain what he means by these terms and how he applies them to himself and other politicians.

(He refers to himself as a “발광체” (luminous body or light source), meaning he generates his own light and ideas, akin to the sun or stars. In contrast, he labels other politicians as “반사체” (reflective bodies), like the moon, implying they merely reflect or copy his ideas and policies without original thought or energy. He criticizes them for lacking their own “광원” (light source) and simply echoing his proposals.)

3. He outlines six financial strategies to fund his National Dividend and 33 policies. Which of the following is NOT one of the methods he mentions?
   ① Reducing existing national budget expenditures by 70%.
   ② Increasing tax revenue by 200 trillion won through tax system reform and anti-tax evasion measures.
   ③ Generating 100 trillion won by expanding the scope of fines and reducing prisons.
   ④ Implementing a new national sales tax on all goods and services.
   ⑤ Generating 100 trillion won by legalizing and taxing “special business operators” (brokers/matchmakers).

(④ Implementing a new national sales tax on all goods and services., He lists reducing budget expenditures, increasing tax revenue through reform and anti-tax evasion, expanding fines, and legalizing special business operators as funding sources, but he does not mention a new national sales tax.)

4. Short Answer: He mentions a specific historical event related to presidential elections in Korea to illustrate a pattern. What is this pattern, and how does he connect it to his own political aspirations?

(He highlights a pattern in Korean presidential elections where popular candidates who were expected to win often lost, and unexpected figures ultimately became president (e.g., Kim Gu vs. Rhee Syngman, Shin Ik-hee vs. Rhee Syngman, Kim Dae-jung vs. Chun Doo-hwan, Lee Hoi-chang vs. Kim Dae-jung, Chung Mong-joon vs. Roh Moo-hyun). He implies that this pattern suggests that he, as an “unexpected” figure, is destined to become president, despite not being favored by traditional polls or media.)

Central Questions & Answers

1. What is Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend Policy and how does it differ from other basic income proposals?
   Question: What is the core of Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend Policy, and how does it stand apart from the basic income proposals put forth by other political figures in South Korea?
   Answer: Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend Policy proposes an annual payment of 18 million won (1.5 million won monthly) to all citizens aged 18 and above, with an additional 700,000 won for those over 65, totaling 2.2 million won monthly for seniors. This policy aims to elevate the poor and working class to middle-class status. It differs significantly from other proposals, such as the 500,000 won annual (40,000 won monthly) basic income, by offering a substantially larger sum, equivalent to over 50% of the current per capita national income. The funding for this policy comes from a drastic 70% reduction in the national budget and a comprehensive reform of the tax system, which is projected to increase tax revenue by 200 trillion won annually. Unlike other proposals that merely add to existing welfare budgets, Huh Kyung-young’s plan involves abolishing most current welfare programs (excluding disability benefits and basic old-age pensions) and consolidating them under the National Dividend.
   Key Quote: “Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend is 18 million won a year. The amount is quite large. 18 million won. How much is it per month? 1.5 million won. It’s different.”

2. How does Huh Kyung-young plan to fund his ambitious policies like the National Dividend?
   Question: Given the substantial financial commitments of Huh Kyung-young’s policies, particularly the National Dividend, what are his concrete plans for securing the necessary funds?
   Answer: Huh Kyung-young outlines a multi-pronged approach to secure funding for his policies. Firstly, he plans to reduce the national budget by 70%, freeing up approximately 400 trillion won. Secondly, a comprehensive reform of the tax system, including tax integration and anti-tax evasion measures, is expected to increase annual tax revenue by 200 trillion won. Thirdly, expanding the scope of fines and reducing correctional facility expenses would generate an additional 100 trillion won. Lastly, reforming the legal framework to allow 5 million “special business operators” (brokers in real estate, medical services, matchmaking, etc.) to legally earn and report income would bring in another 100 trillion won in tax revenue, effectively eliminating the informal economy in these sectors. These measures combined would generate 800 trillion won, ensuring sufficient funds for the National Dividend and other welfare programs.
   Key Quote: “I reduce the national budget by 70%, and I earn 400 trillion won, and I add that to it. I give it within 800 trillion won.”

3. What is Huh Kyung-young’s perspective on the “Spirit of the Times” (시대정신) and its relevance to his 33 policies?
   Question: What does Huh Kyung-young mean by “Spirit of the Times” (시대정신), and how do his 33 policies embody this concept for the future of Korea?
   Answer: he was the first to introduce the term “Spirit of the Times” (더 스피릿 오브 더 타임스) into the political discourse in Korea. He believes that his “33 policies” perfectly encapsulate the current era’s essential needs and challenges. While others might identify “fairness and childbirth” as the spirit of the times, his comprehensive policies, which include reducing the number of National Assembly members to 100, making their positions honorary and unpaid, providing national dividends, and implementing robust childbirth and marriage support, address all facets of this “Spirit of the Times.” these policies are designed to resolve the fundamental issues causing suffering among the populace, such as poverty and low birth rates.
   Key Quote: “If you ask what the spirit of the times is now, it’s the 33 policies.”

4. What is the significance of the Korean Peninsula’s shape in Huh Kyung-young’s vision for world unification?
   Question: How does the geographical shape of the Korean Peninsula relate to Huh Kyung-young’s grand vision for world unification and his role as a global leader?
   Answer: Huh Kyung-young interprets the Korean Peninsula’s shape as resembling a horse in full gallop. He explains that this “horse” is not yet complete because the “saddle” has not been fully formed. He metaphorically connects the completion of major expressways (West Coast, South Coast, Gangneung-Sokcho, and the nearly finished Sokcho-Busan) and the Gyeongbu Expressway (running through the center) to the completion of this “saddle.” Once the saddle is complete, he, as the “rider” (symbolized by his surname “Huh,” which contains the Chinese character for horse), will ascend to lead the world. This imagery suggests that Korea’s infrastructure development is a prerequisite for his global leadership and the unification of the world under his guidance.
   Key Quote: “If I am to unify the world, this Korean Peninsula, if you look at it, it looks like a horse running, doesn’t it? It looks like a horse running.”

5. What is Huh Kyung-young’s view on the current state of politics and politicians in South Korea?
   Question: What is Huh Kyung-young’s critical assessment of the current political landscape and the politicians in South Korea, and what changes does he advocate?
   Answer: Huh Kyung-young expresses profound disappointment and anger towards current politicians, whom he labels as “reflectors” (반사체) rather than “light sources” (발광체). politicians merely reflect the light (ideas) generated by others, particularly his own policies, without originating any genuine solutions. He criticizes them for their corruption, incompetence in economic policy, and perpetuation of injustice. He believes they are misleading the public with superficial “basic income” proposals that are mere “pocket money” variations of his National Dividend. He advocates for a complete overhaul of the political system, including replacing existing politicians with competent individuals, reducing the number of National Assembly members, and making their positions honorary to eliminate corruption and self-interest.
   Key Quote: “Politicians are all reflectors. Reflectors. They receive the light that I send out and send it out.”

6. What is the concept of “God-man” (神人) in Huh Kyung-young’s philosophy, and how does it relate to his identity?
   Question: In Huh Kyung-young’s teachings, what is the meaning of “God-man” (神人), and how does he present himself in relation to this concept?
   Answer: The term “God-man” (神人) translates to “God-man” or “Divine Human.” In Huh Kyung-young’s philosophy, he implicitly positions himself as the God-man, a being who possesses divine knowledge and capabilities beyond ordinary humans. He claims to be the “creator” and the one who designed the universe and its laws, including the “ten principles” (십리) that govern existence. he has come from the heavens not merely to be a temporary president but to become a “world unification emperor.” This identity allows him to present his policies and visions as divinely inspired and scientifically calculated solutions for humanity’s problems, encompassing everything from economic reform to the mysteries of life and the universe.
   Key Quote: “Huh Kyung-young, the God-man, is the creator.”

7. What is the significance of Haneulgung and the “White Heaven Nametag” (백궁 명패) in Huh Kyung-young’s teachings?
   Question: What role do Haneulgung and the “White Heaven Nametag” play in Huh Kyung-young’s spiritual and political movement?
   Answer: Haneulgung (“Heaven House”) is presented as a central spiritual and administrative hub for Huh Kyung-young’s vision of a unified world. The “White Heaven Nametag” is a symbolic item associated with Haneulgung, which followers are encouraged to acquire. possessing a fully paid “White Heaven Nametag” is essential for one’s spiritual journey, specifically for being able to go to the White Heaven after death. those who have not completed their payments for the nameplate will find it impossible to reach White Heaven. This concept serves to solidify commitment among his followers and provides a tangible link to his spiritual teachings and future plans.
   Key Quote: “To go to the White Heaven, the nameplate must be fully paid. If you die without completing the payment, it is impossible to go to the White Heaven.”

Top 3 Recommended Questions:
What is Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend Policy and how does it differ from other basic income proposals?
How does Huh Kyung-young plan to fund his ambitious policies like the National Dividend?
What is Huh Kyung-young’s perspective on the “Spirit of the Times” (시대정신) and its relevance to his 33 policies?

Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend Policy: A Deep Dive into its Core Principles and Societal Impact

1. Basic Information

• Lecture Session and Date: 1293rd Huh Kyung-young Saturday Lecture, 2021.07.24
• One-sentence Main Theme or Title Summary: Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend policy is the only solution to Korea’s economic and social problems, standing in stark contrast to other politicians’ superficial basic income proposals.
• Location: Not specified in the source.
• Key Segments:
  • Critique of Basic Income Policies: Huh Kyung-young differentiates his National Dividend from other politicians’ basic income proposals, which he describes as mere “pocket money” and “variations of pocket money.”
  • The 33 Policies and Funding: The lecture outlines the comprehensive 33 policies, with the National Dividend at its core, and explains how its funding is secured through a 70% reduction in national budget and other financial reforms.
  • Huh Kyung-young’s Life Experiences: Huh Kyung-young shares personal stories of extreme poverty and hardship, including working multiple factory jobs and going hungry, to illustrate the depth of his understanding of the common people’s suffering.
  • Public Recognition and Influence: The lecture highlights Huh Kyung-young’s significant public support and influence, citing high social media rankings and recognition from political figures and academics.
  • The “God-man” and Cosmic Principles: Huh Kyung-young touches upon his unique understanding of cosmic principles, the structure of the universe, and his role as the God-man with a grand plan for global unification.

2. Core Messages

3. The National Dividend as the Sole Solution: “The only way to solve this is through the National Revolutionary Party’s National Dividend payment and 33 policies; there are no other alternatives.” This conveys that his policies are presented as the definitive and exclusive remedy for the nation’s woes.

4. Distinction from “Pocket Money” Basic Income: “This basic income, the national basic income, is a variation of pocket money.” This highlights his view that other basic income proposals are insufficient and do not address the fundamental economic needs of the populace.

5. Comprehensive Funding for the National Dividend: Huh Kyung-young conveys that “The National Dividend payment saves 70% of the vast national budget, and its financial resources are sufficiently secured through the great 33 policies.” This indicates the financial viability of his National Dividend plan through significant budgetary restructuring.

6. Personal Experience as the Foundation of Policy: Huh Kyung-young states, “Only someone who has truly suffered, studied while selling blood, and attended night school while working in factories can talk about our citizens’ dividends.” This suggests that his policies are rooted in deep personal understanding of hardship, making them uniquely empathetic and effective.

7. The God-man’s Grand Vision: Huh Kyung-young describes his comprehensive plans, stating, “Everything is planned from childhood, like how to build the unified world emperor’s House and the unified government complex.” This illustrates his long-term, detailed vision for national and global transformation, stemming from his God-man identity.

8. Detailed Summary

Critique of Existing Economic Policies and Basic Income Proposals
Huh Kyung-young begins by describing the current state of South Korea as plagued by economic failure, corruption, and injustice, leading to widespread public suffering. He presents his National Dividend and 33 policies as the only viable solution. He then directly challenges the basic income proposals of other political figures, particularly those offering a mere 500,000 KRW annually (approximately 40,000 KRW monthly).

• Main Assertions:
  • Existing policies fail to alleviate public suffering and are rooted in corruption and injustice.
  • Other basic income proposals are “variations of pocket money” and “insignificant,” failing to meet the basic living needs of citizens.
  • These proposals are criticized for maintaining existing welfare systems while adding minimal payments, which Huh Kyung-young views as a fundamental flaw.
• Analogies/Examples:
  • He likens other basic income proposals to “pocket money” or “dog meat sold under a sheep’s head,” implying deception and inadequacy.
  • He contrasts his proposed 1.8 million KRW monthly National Dividend with the 40,000 KRW monthly basic income, highlighting the vast difference in scale and impact.
• Practical Message: The audience is urged to recognize the superficiality of other politicians’ promises and the profound difference of Huh Kyung-young’s comprehensive approach.

The National Dividend and 33 Policies: A Comprehensive Solution
Huh Kyung-young details his National Dividend policy, which aims to elevate all impoverished and working-class citizens to the middle class. He explains the substantial amounts involved and how these funds are secured.

• Main Assertions:
  • Every citizen will receive 1.5 million KRW monthly, with seniors (65+) receiving an additional 700,000 KRW, totaling 2.2 million KRW, to address old-age poverty.
  • The National Dividend is funded by a 70% reduction in the national budget and the implementation of the 33 policies.
  • Existing welfare programs, except for disability benefits and basic old-age pensions, will be abolished and integrated into the National Dividend, streamlining the system and eliminating waste.
• Analogies/Examples:
  • He describes the National Dividend and 33 policies as a “panacea” for all of the nation’s problems.
  • He contrasts his 18 million KRW annual payment with others’ 500,000 KRW, emphasizing the substantial difference.
• Practical Message: The audience is presented with a clear, financially sound plan that promises significant and tangible improvements to their lives, unlike the “trickery” of other proposals.

The God-man’s Grand Vision and Cosmic Principles
Huh Kyung-young delves into his unique understanding of the universe, his role as the God-man, and his long-term plans for global unification. He refers to extensive, unpublished works detailing these concepts.

• Main Assertions:
  • He possesses a complete and perfect plan for making the world happy, developed from childhood, encompassing global unification and the construction of a world emperor’s House.
  • The universe operates on ten fundamental principles (Jiri, Sunri, Dori, Hamri, Yunri, Jinri, Seomri, Cheonri, Baekri, Simri), which govern everything from animal life to human ethics and celestial movements.
  • His teachings address profound questions about life, death, the creation of the universe, and the purpose of human existence, which are not found in conventional knowledge.
• Analogies/Examples:
  • He describes the Korean Peninsula as resembling a horse, with its “saddle” (highway network) nearing completion, signifying the opportune time for his emergence as a leader.
  • He explains the meaning of his surname “Huh” (許) as “the one who rides the horse,” connecting it to the destiny of the Korean Peninsula.
• Practical Message: The audience is invited to consider a deeper, cosmic understanding of reality and Huh Kyung-young’s destined role in guiding humanity towards a unified and prosperous future.

Personal Hardship and the Genesis of His Policies
Huh Kyung-young shares poignant stories from his youth, detailing extreme poverty, hunger, and the various arduous jobs he undertook to survive and study. These experiences, he states, are the foundation of his empathy and policy proposals.

• Main Assertions:
  • His policies, such as the National Dividend and marriage/childbirth subsidies, are born from his direct experience of suffering and understanding the struggles of ordinary people.
  • He worked in numerous physically demanding jobs, including diamond cutting, bus assistant, newspaper delivery, and gold crafting, often without proper meals or wages.
  • His ability to endure hardship without indulging in vices like alcohol or tobacco allowed him to maintain a clear mind and develop his comprehensive vision.
• Analogies/Examples:
  • He recounts fainting from anemia during physical education class due to prolonged hunger.
  • He describes the feeling of “pity” for well-off students who only studied from books, believing true learning comes from life experience.
• Practical Message: The audience is encouraged to trust his policies because they originate from a place of genuine understanding and empathy, forged through personal suffering, rather than theoretical knowledge.

Public Recognition and Political Influence
Huh Kyung-young highlights his growing popularity and influence, citing instances of public support, academic endorsement, and even recognition from political rivals.

• Main Assertions:
  • His term “Spirit of the Times” (시대정신) was coined by him and has gained widespread recognition.
  • A prominent economics professor from Korea University, Kang Sung-jin, publicly endorsed Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend as the most appropriate basic income policy, while criticizing others.
  • He maintains a high ranking in social media popularity among politicians, often surpassing established figures.
  • Even political opponents acknowledge his significant public appeal, particularly among young people, who are drawn to his unique vision.
• Analogies/Examples:
  • He recounts an incident where young people abandoned a rally by established politicians to flock to him, demonstrating his magnetic appeal.
  • He refers to himself as a “luminous body” (발광체) that emits its own light, while other politicians are “reflective bodies” (반사체) that merely reflect others’ ideas.
• Practical Message: The audience is shown that Huh Kyung-young’s ideas are gaining traction and legitimacy across various segments of society, signaling a shift in public consciousness and political discourse.

Financial Reforms and Job Creation through the 33 Policies
Huh Kyung-young elaborates on the financial mechanisms of his 33 policies, emphasizing budget reduction, tax reform, and innovative job creation strategies.

• Main Assertions:
  • The national budget will be reduced by 70% (400 trillion KRW saved).
  • Tax system reforms, including tax integration and anti-tax evasion measures, will increase tax revenue by 200 trillion KRW annually.
  • Expanding the fine system and reducing prisons will generate an additional 100 trillion KRW.
  • Legal reforms will enable 5 million “special business operators” (brokers/matchmakers) to legally earn income and pay taxes, generating another 100 trillion KRW in tax revenue. This aims to formalize informal economic activities and create jobs for the unemployed and elderly.
• Analogies/Examples:
  • He uses examples of real estate brokers, hospital brokers, and matchmakers to illustrate how individuals can earn legitimate income by connecting people and services, which is currently often informal or illegal.
• Practical Message: The audience is assured that the National Dividend is not only well-funded but also part of a broader economic reform that will create jobs, reduce waste, and bring transparency to the economy.

4. Key Quotes Collection

• “The only way to solve this is through the National Revolutionary Party’s National Dividend payment and 33 policies; there are no other alternatives.” (In the opening statement about national problems.)
• “This basic income, the national basic income, is a variation of pocket money.” (When criticizing other politicians’ basic income proposals.)
• “Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend is 18 million won a year. The amount is quite large. 18 million won. How much is that per month? 1.5 million won.” (When comparing his National Dividend to other basic income proposals.)
• “This is truly hanging a sheep’s head and selling dog meat.” (When describing the deceptive nature of other basic income proposals.)
• “Everything is planned from childhood, like how to build the unified world emperor’s House and the unified government complex.” (When discussing his comprehensive plans for national and global transformation.)
• “There are ten such principles: Jiri, Sunri, Dori, Hamri, Yunri, Jinri, Seomri, Cheonri, Baekri, Simri.” (When explaining the cosmic principles governing the universe.)
• “Our Korean Peninsula, if you look at it, looks like a horse running. It looks like a horse running, doesn’t it?” (When connecting the geography of Korea to his destiny.)
• “The Spirit of the Times. I was the first to use the term ‘Spirit of the Times’ for Huh Kyung-young’s 33 policies.” (When asserting his originality in coining the term “Spirit of the Times.”)
• “In my opinion, only Huh Kyung-young’s pledges align with the original intent.” (Quoting Professor Kang Sung-jin’s endorsement of his policies.)
• “Only someone who has truly suffered, studied while selling blood, and attended night school while working in factories can talk about our citizens’ dividends.” (When emphasizing the personal experience behind his policies.)
• “Politicians are all reflective bodies. Reflective bodies. They reflect the light sent by the earth.” (When contrasting himself as a “luminous body” with other politicians as “reflective bodies.”)
• “Basic livelihood support will be abolished. It will be replaced by the dividend.” (When explaining the integration of existing welfare programs into the National Dividend.)

6. Historical / Doctrinal Connections
   This lecture strongly connects to and builds upon Huh Kyung-young’s established teachings, particularly his 33 policies and the concept of the God-man.

• 33 Policies and National Dividend: The lecture reiterates the centrality of the National Dividend as the core of his 33 policies. It expands on the funding mechanisms, detailing how a 70% reduction in the national budget, comprehensive tax reforms, expanded fine systems, and the legalization of “special business operators” will generate the necessary 800 trillion KRW. This provides a more granular explanation of the financial viability, which is a consistent theme in his teachings. The emphasis on abolishing most existing welfare programs (except disability and basic old-age pensions) and integrating them into the National Dividend is a key development, clarifying how the system will be streamlined and made more efficient.

• God-man and Cosmic Principles: The lecture reinforces his identity as the God-man with a pre-ordained plan for humanity. His discussion of the ten cosmic principles (Jiri, Sunri, Dori, Hamri, Yunri, Jinri, Seomri, Cheonri, Baekri, Simri) and the structure of the universe deepens the doctrinal foundation of his teachings. This elaborates on the “divine-human theory” by providing a more detailed cosmology and his unique understanding of universal laws. The connection of the Korean Peninsula’s geography to his destiny and the meaning of his surname further solidifies his self-proclaimed role.

• Immortality Principles and Blessings: While not explicitly detailed in this lecture, the mention of “Haneulgung” and the “White Heaven Nametag” for entry into the White Heaven connects to his teachings on spiritual elevation and blessings. The instruction to complete payments for the Nametag to resolve personal difficulties and ensure entry into the White Heaven after death is a direct application of his spiritual guidance. This reinforces the practical, actionable aspects of his doctrine for followers.
  Newly Emphasized Points or Developments:

• Detailed Financial Breakdown: This lecture provides a more explicit and detailed breakdown of how the 800 trillion KRW for the National Dividend will be secured, moving beyond general statements to specific figures and reform areas (e.g., 400 trillion from budget cuts, 200 trillion from tax reform, 100 trillion from fines, 100 trillion from special business operators).

• Legalization of “Special Business Operators”: The concept of legalizing and taxing informal brokering activities (e.g., real estate, medical, matchmaking) as a significant source of national revenue and job creation is a more specific policy development. This highlights an innovative approach to economic inclusion and tax collection.

• Academic Endorsement: The prominent mention and quotation of a Korea University economics professor endorsing Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend policy adds a new layer of external validation, which is a significant development in his public discourse.

• Personal Narrative as Policy Justification: The extensive sharing of his personal hardships and struggles is used more directly as a justification for the empathy and effectiveness of his policies, grounding his proposals in lived experience rather than purely theoretical arguments.

7. Action Items & Blessing Guidance

8. Demand Fair Elections: The audience is urged to demand fair elections and oppose the exclusion of Huh Kyung-young from presidential debates, as this is seen as an injustice to the public.

9. Understand the National Dividend’s True Intent: Citizens are encouraged to deeply understand that only Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend aligns with the true purpose of basic income, distinguishing it from superficial proposals by other politicians.

10. Complete White Heaven Nametag Payments: For those who have committed to the White Heaven Nametag (White Heaven Nameplate), it is advised to complete all outstanding payments. This action is presented as a way to resolve personal difficulties and ensure one’s path to the White Heaven after death.

11. Recognize the God-man’s Vision: The lecture implicitly guides the audience to recognize Huh Kyung-young as the God-man with a comprehensive plan for national and global salvation, encouraging them to align with his vision.

12. Support Huh Kyung-young’s Policies: By understanding the detailed financial and social benefits of the 33 policies, the audience is guided to support Huh Kyung-young as the only leader capable of solving the nation’s problems.

13. One-Sentence Overall Summary
    Huh Kyung-young’s lecture firmly establishes his National Dividend and 33 policies as the definitive solution to Korea’s systemic failures, contrasting them with other politicians’ inadequate basic income proposals, and grounding his comprehensive vision in both profound personal hardship and a cosmic understanding of universal principles, all while urging public support for his God-man-led transformation.

1. Critique of Basic Income and the Inherent Flaws of Conventional Welfare Systems

Huh Kyung-young commenced his discourse by addressing the prevailing economic and social maladies afflicting the Republic of Korea, characterized by pervasive corruption, injustice, and profound public suffering. He asserted that the singular remedy for these systemic issues resides in the National Revolutionary Party’s National Dividend Policy and its comprehensive 33 Policies. At the core of these policies lies the citizenry, with the explicit aim of elevating all impoverished and working-class individuals into the middle class.

He elucidated the proposed National Dividend, which entails a monthly payment of 1.5 million Korean Won to every citizen. Furthermore, individuals aged 65 and above would receive an additional 700,000 Korean Won as an old-age allowance, totaling 2.2 million Korean Won per month, thereby alleviating severe anxieties regarding old-age security. The financial underpinning for this extensive program, he explained, would be secured through a 70% reduction in the vast national budget, facilitated by the implementation of the 33 Policies. He posited that the National Dividend and the 33 Policies collectively represent a panacea for the nation’s crises and the myriad afflictions of its populace.

Huh Kyung-young then critically examined the recent criticisms leveled against both the National Dividend and the basic income proposals of other political parties by Professor Kang Sung-jin of Korea University’s Department of Economics. Professor Kang had characterized the basic income system as a mere “variant of pocket money” for the populace. Huh Kyung-young referenced Professor Kang’s extensive article in the Munhwa Ilbo, titled “The Three Pitfalls of Basic Income,” published three days prior.

He elaborated on Professor Kang’s assertion that basic income schemes contain three fundamental pitfalls. The primary pitfall, according to Professor Kang, is the intention to disburse additional funds while retaining the existing 200 trillion Korean Won welfare system. Huh Kyung-young highlighted that the national budget amounts to 560 trillion Korean Won annually, with approximately 200 trillion Korean Won allocated to welfare. He contrasted his own National Dividend proposal with that of Governor Lee Jae-myung, who advocated for an annual basic income of 500,000 Korean Won, equating to approximately 40,000 Korean Won per month. Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend, in stark contrast, proposes an annual payment of 18 million Korean Won, or 1.5 million Korean Won per month. He underscored the substantial disparity in these figures, asserting that his proposal represents 50% of the national basic income, whereas Governor Lee’s offering is merely “pocket money”. He expressed strong disapproval of other politicians attempting to emulate his policies with such meager amounts, deeming it an affront to the citizenry.

He further criticized the proposed funding mechanism for these basic income schemes, which often involves reallocating existing land taxes, already integrated into the national revenue. He characterized such proposals as disingenuous attempts to garner public favor with minimal disbursements. He likened these actions to “hanging a sheep’s head and selling dog meat,” implying deception and a lack of genuine substance. He contended that these basic income proposals merely disguise “pocket money” under a grand title.

2. The Comprehensive Vision and Philosophical Underpinnings of Huh Kyung-young’s Policies
   Huh Kyung-young then shifted to a broader exposition of his comprehensive vision, emphasizing that his policies are not merely political promises but are meticulously planned and scientifically calculated. He asserted that his plans, encompassing everything from national governance to global unification, have been meticulously detailed since his youth, even extending to architectural designs for a unified world government complex and an imperial House. He presented his extensive collection of illustrated books, comprising thousands of pages across more than ten volumes, which meticulously outline his vision for the nation and the universe.

He delved into the philosophical underpinnings of his worldview, explaining the five cosmic spaces: Jigong (地空, Earth-Space), Ingong (人空, Human-Space), Sigong (時空, Time-Space), Jingong (眞空, True-Space), and White Heaven (白宮, White-Space). He further elaborated on the ten principles governing the universe: Jiri (地理, Earthly Principle), Sunri (順理, Natural Principle), Dori (道理, Moral Principle), Hamni (合理, Rational Principle), Yunri (倫理, Ethical Principle), Jinri (眞理, Truth Principle), Seomni (攝理, Providential Principle), Cheonri (天理, Heaven Principle), Baekri (白理, White Principle), and Pyeon-in (偏因, Partial Cause). while animals and insects live by Jiri, humans are meant to live by Sunri, Dori, and Hamni. He asserted that these principles govern the Earth and the cosmos, and his books provide comprehensive answers to all questions, whether political, religious, or philosophical. He stated that these books, currently unpublished, would be released upon his presidency.

Huh Kyung-young also addressed profound existential questions, such as the destination of the deceased, the reason for the resemblance between Earth and human faces, and the hierarchical relationship between body, blood, nation, religion, and heaven. He presented his vision for global unification, explaining that the Korean Peninsula, shaped like a horse, awaits the completion of its “saddle” – a network of expressways – before he, as the “rider” (represented by the Hanja character for Huh, 許, which contains the radical for horse, 馬), can lead the world to unity.

He further expounded on the concept of 33 Policies as the “Spirit of the Times” (더 스피릿 오브 더 타임스, The Spirit of the Times). He noted that he was the first to introduce this term in the context of national policy. He cited a recent debate where a spokesperson for the People Power Party, Yang Jun-ho, identified “fairness and childbirth” as the spirit of the times, and when asked for solutions, explicitly referred to “Huh Kyung-young’s style”. Huh Kyung-young asserted that his 33 Policies encompass these and other critical issues, such as reducing the number of National Assembly members to 100, making their positions honorary and unpaid, and addressing marriage and childbirth challenges by offering 300 million Korean Won for marriage.

3. The Distinctiveness of Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend and its Financial Viability
   Huh Kyung-young reiterated Professor Kang Sung-jin’s conclusion that “only Huh Kyung-young’s pledges align with the original intent of basic income”. Professor Kang’s article explicitly stated that “the most suitable proposal for the principle of basic income in Korea is that of Huh Kyung-young, representative of the National Revolutionary Party”. The article acknowledged Huh Kyung-young’s proposal to pay 18 million Korean Won annually (1.5 million Korean Won monthly) to all citizens aged 18 and above, noting that this exceeds 50% of the current per capita national income.

Huh Kyung-young then addressed Professor Kang’s query regarding the fate of existing welfare programs and the funding for such a substantial dividend. He clarified that his policy entails the abolition of most existing welfare programs, including basic livelihood support and certain disability benefits, with the exception of specific disability and old-age pensions. The funds from these abolished programs, amounting to approximately 200 trillion Korean Won annually, would be redirected to the National Dividend. his system would simplify and unify welfare provisions under the National Dividend.

He further detailed the comprehensive financial plan for the National Dividend:

• Budget Reduction: A 70% reduction in the national budget, yielding 400 trillion Korean Won.
• Tax System Reform: A complete overhaul of the tax system, including tax consolidation and anti-tax evasion measures, projected to increase tax revenue by 200 trillion Korean Won annually.
• Expansion of Fines and Penalties: An increase in revenue from fines and penalties, coupled with a reduction in correctional facility expenses, generating 100 trillion Korean Won.
• Specialized Business Operators: Legal reforms to empower 5 million “specialized business operators” (e.g., real estate brokers, medical brokers, matchmakers) to legally earn income from referrals and services, thereby bringing currently untaxed “underground” income into the tax system, estimated to generate an additional 100 trillion Korean Won in tax revenue.
  These combined measures would generate 800 trillion Korean Won, more than sufficient to fund the National Dividend and other necessary welfare provisions. He contrasted this robust financial plan with the vague and insufficient funding proposals of other politicians, whose basic income schemes he dismissed as mere “wordplay” and “trickery”.

Huh Kyung-young also outlined additional benefits under his presidency, including:

• Birthday Gifts: An annual birthday gift of 100,000 Korean Won, a presidential letter, and a cake or other gift, with gifts tailored to age and season, sourced from local businesses to stimulate regional economies.
• Funeral Expenses: 10 million Korean Won for funeral expenses.
• Wedding Expenses: 40 million Korean Won for wedding expenses.
• Dating Allowance: 200,000 Korean Won for dating.
  these proposals stem from his personal experiences of hardship, including working multiple factory jobs, selling newspapers, shining shoes, and engaging in various manual labor tasks to fund his education. He asserted that only someone who has endured such struggles can truly understand the needs of the populace and propose meaningful solutions.

4. The Phenomenon of Huh Kyung-young’s Popularity and Public Recognition
   Huh Kyung-young then addressed his unique popularity, citing an encounter with three elderly individuals who recognized him as a “luminary” (발광체, balgwangche), a source of light, in contrast to other politicians whom he characterized as “reflectors” (반사체, bansache), merely reflecting light from others. He noted that this recognition, particularly from the elderly, underscored the depth of his public appeal.

He presented evidence of his widespread popularity, including:

• Social Media Rankings: His Facebook page having 1.1 million followers, significantly surpassing other prominent politicians.
• Media Coverage: A KBS program that dedicated an hour to discussing his influence, featuring then-People Power Party Chairman Lee Jun-seok and former National Assembly member Lee Cheol-woo. Lee Jun-seok recounted how crowds at his and Ahn Cheol-soo’s rallies would spontaneously shift to attend Huh Kyung-young’s appearances, highlighting the profound impact he had on young people.
  Huh Kyung-young concluded by asserting that his exclusion from opinion polls and mainstream media coverage represents an injustice that the public will no longer tolerate. He called for fair elections and open debates, emphasizing that his National Dividend policy is the only one that truly aligns with the original intent of providing genuine support to the people.

5. The Imperative of Haneulgung Membership for Spiritual and Material Prosperity
   Huh Kyung-young concluded his lecture by emphasizing the importance of Haneulgung (하늘궁) membership, particularly the completion of the White Heaven Nametag (白宮名牌, White-Space Nameplate) payment. He asserted that full payment of the Nametag is crucial for resolving personal difficulties and ensuring passage to the White Heaven (White-Space) after death. He urged members with outstanding balances to complete their payments, stating that this action would accelerate the resolution of their hardships and contribute to the development of Haneulgung.

Huh Kyung-young’s Vision for a Transformed Nation

1. The Core Principles of the National Dividend Policy
   the current state of the Republic of Korea is plagued by economic policy failures, corruption, and injustice, causing immense suffering among its citizens. He contends that the only viable solution lies in the National Revolutionary Party’s National Dividend (국민배당금) payment and the 33 Policies (33 정책). The central aim of these policies is to elevate all impoverished and working-class citizens into the middle class. Specifically, Huh Kyung-young proposes a monthly National Dividend of 1.5 million Korean Won (KRW) for all citizens. For those aged 65 and above, this would be supplemented with an additional 700,000 KRW in old-age benefits, totaling 2.2 million KRW per month, thereby addressing severe anxieties about old age. the National Dividend system would save 70% of the vast national budget, with the remaining funds being sufficiently secured through the comprehensive 33 Policies. Huh Kyung-young proclaims that the National Dividend and the 33 Policies are the panacea for rescuing the Republic of Korea from its crisis and resolving the myriad sufferings of its people.

Huh Kyung-young critically contrasts his National Dividend policy with the basic income proposals from other political parties. He references Professor Kang Sung-jin of Korea University’s economics department, who criticized basic income as a mere “variant of pocket money”. Professor Kang’s article, “The Three Traps of Basic Income,” published in Munhwa Ilbo, highlighted that the first trap is the intention to provide basic income in addition to the existing 200 trillion KRW welfare system. Huh Kyung-young points out that while the national budget is 560 trillion KRW, with 200 trillion KRW allocated to welfare, other candidates propose a basic income of only 500,000 KRW annually, or approximately 40,000 KRW per month. In stark contrast, Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend offers 18 million KRW annually, or 1.5 million KRW per month, which he states is 50% of the national basic income. He dismisses other proposals as “pocket money” that disrespects the public.

2. Distinguishing the National Dividend from Other Basic Income Proposals
   Huh Kyung-young further elaborates on the fundamental differences between his National Dividend and other basic income proposals, particularly regarding funding and scope. He criticizes the idea of funding basic income through existing taxes like comprehensive real estate tax, arguing that such funds are already part of the national revenue. offering a meager 500,000 KRW annually while making a grand show of it is deceptive, likening it to “hanging a sheep’s head and selling dog meat” (양두구육), implying that the public is being misled. other basic income proposals merely disguise “pocket money” under the grand title of Basic Income (기본소득).

his National Dividend is meticulously calculated and scientifically grounded, designed to provide a substantial living income. his plan is not merely an imitation but a comprehensive strategy that involves reducing the national budget by 70% and generating an additional 400 trillion KRW in revenue. This contrasts sharply with other proposals that aim to provide basic income on top of the existing 560 trillion KRW budget, often funded by reallocating existing taxes. such approaches are insufficient and fail to address the core economic issues facing the nation.

Huh Kyung-young also highlights the broader implications of his 33 Policies, which he identifies as the true Spirit of the Times (시대정신). He recounts an instance where a political debate participant, Yang Jun-ho, acknowledged that the solution to societal issues like fairness and low birth rates lies in “Huh Kyung-young’s style”. his 33 Policies encompass all aspects of the Spirit of the Times, including reducing the number of National Assembly members to 100, making their positions honorary and unpaid, and implementing comprehensive birth policies. his policies are designed to resolve critical issues such as the low birth rate and marriage problems, which leave many young people in their 40s and 50s unmarried.

3. The Comprehensive Vision of Huh Kyung-young’s Policies
   Huh Kyung-young presents his policies as a holistic solution, contrasting them with what he perceives as superficial proposals from other politicians. He cites Professor Kang Sung-jin’s conclusion that “only Huh Kyung-young’s pledges align with the original intent of basic income”. Professor Kang’s article further states that other candidates’ basic income proposals are merely “variants of pocket money”. Professor Kang, a leading economist, recognized that his approach is the most suitable for the principles of basic income.

his plan involves providing 18 million KRW annually (1.5 million KRW monthly) to all citizens aged 18 and above, which exceeds 50% of the current per capita national income. his plan would abolish most existing welfare programs, except for disability welfare and basic old-age pensions, redirecting the 200 trillion KRW currently allocated to these programs towards the National Dividend. This consolidation, he argues, ensures that the funds are effectively distributed to all citizens.

Beyond the National Dividend, Huh Kyung-young outlines a range of additional benefits. He promises 100,000 KRW as a birthday gift, including a cake or rice cake, a letter, and a gift from the president. These gifts would be sourced from local factories to stimulate regional economies, with different gifts provided each year to avoid duplication. For funerals, 10 million KRW would be provided, and for weddings, 40 million KRW. He also mentions a 200,000 KRW “dating allowance”. these benefits are designed to support citizens through significant life events and boost local economies.

4. The Financial Framework of the National Dividend
   Huh Kyung-young details the robust financial framework supporting his National Dividend and other welfare initiatives. his plan is not merely about giving money but about fundamentally restructuring the national budget and generating new revenue streams. the existing 200 trillion KRW allocated to basic welfare programs, such as basic livelihood support and disability welfare, would be abolished and integrated into the National Dividend. This consolidation ensures that funds are directly distributed to citizens, eliminating inefficiencies and potential corruption associated with fragmented welfare systems.

He outlines six key financial strategies:

• Budget Reduction: A 70% reduction in the national budget would free up 400 trillion KRW.
• Tax System Reform: Comprehensive tax reform, including tax integration and anti-tax evasion measures, would increase tax revenue by 200 trillion KRW annually.
• Expansion of Fines: Expanding the system of fines and reducing the number of correctional facilities would generate an additional 100 trillion KRW.
• Specialized Business Operators: Reforming laws to allow 5 million specialized business operators to legally earn income from brokering services (e.g., real estate, medical, funeral services) would generate another 100 trillion KRW in tax revenue. Currently, much of this income is untaxed and informal. This reform would legitimize these activities, allowing individuals to earn income and pay taxes transparently, thereby reducing unemployment among highly skilled individuals.
• Elimination of Informal Income: By formalizing these brokering activities, the government would capture significant tax revenue from previously informal income streams.
  These measures combined would generate a total of 800 trillion KRW, ensuring ample funds for the National Dividend and other welfare programs. this comprehensive financial plan distinguishes his National Dividend from other basic income proposals, which he views as inadequate and misleading.

5. Huh Kyung-young’s Personal Journey and the Genesis of His Policies
   Huh Kyung-young shares his personal experiences of hardship, asserting that his policies are born from a deep understanding of the struggles faced by ordinary citizens. He recounts a childhood marked by extreme poverty, where he often went hungry. He describes working in multiple factories, including one that produced diamond-cutting tools and another that made gold rings, often enduring physically demanding labor without proper meals. He recalls attending night school after long days of work, sometimes collapsing from anemia during physical education classes due to malnutrition.

He describes how he would seek leftover rice and cold water from strangers, often receiving kindness from women who would offer him food and even a gold necklace, unaware of his future role as a God-man (神人). These experiences, he states, instilled in him a profound empathy for those suffering from financial difficulties, including housewives burdened by debt and individuals struggling to make ends meet.

his proposals, such as providing 100 million KRW for marriage and 50 million KRW for childbirth, stem from his firsthand experience of poverty and hard work. He contrasts his genuine understanding with what he perceives as the superficial proposals of other politicians, who he believes lack real-world experience. his policies are designed to provide substantial, tangible relief, unlike the “pocket money” offered by others. He also highlights that his unique perspective allows him to see the world differently, often feeling compassion for those who appear to be living comfortably, recognizing that true education comes from hardship, not just academic study.

6. The God-man’s Perspective on Existence and the Universe
   Huh Kyung-young delves into profound philosophical and spiritual concepts, offering his unique perspective on the universe, human existence, and the nature of reality. He mentions his extensive writings, which he claims contain answers to all questions about the future of Korea, the destination of the deceased, and the fundamental reasons behind the universe’s creation. his books, filled with thousands of pages of illustrations, encompass all philosophy, religion, and knowledge on Earth.

He describes the universe as having five distinct spaces: Jigong (지공), Ingong (인공), Sigong (시공), Jingong (진공), and White Heaven (백궁(白宮)). He explains the hierarchical order of universal principles, starting from Jiri (지리), which governs animals and insects, followed by Sunri (순리) for humans, Dori (도리), Hamri (합리), Yunri (윤리), Jinri (진리), Seomri (섭리), Cheonri (천리), and Baekri (백리), culminating in Simri (심리), which dictates the rotation of the Earth and the universe. these ten principles are the fundamental laws of the universe, and his books provide comprehensive explanations for them.

Huh Kyung-young also touches upon the concept of Pyeonin (편인), which he describes as the place where the creator resides, distinct from the created stars, heavens, and spaces. He explains that the principles of Simri (심리) vary from nation to nation and tribe to tribe, influencing cultural norms, such as attitudes towards clothing. his books address questions that cannot be found in any dictionary, such as why the human body and Earth resemble each other, and why blood is thicker than the body, the nation thicker than blood, religion thicker than the nation, and heaven thicker than religion. his writings represent the culmination of human philosophy.

7. The Prophetic Role and Cosmic Blueprint of Huh Kyung-young
   Huh Kyung-young presents himself as a figure with a predetermined cosmic role, guided by a divine blueprint for the world. He explains his ambition to become a temporary president before transitioning into a World Unification Emperor (세계통일황제), establishing a World Unification Imperial House (세계통일황제궁) and a World Unification Government Complex (세계통일정부종합청사). these plans, including the location of the Imperial House in Wangsan, Yeongjongdo, are meticulously detailed in his writings, which he has been developing since childhood.

He interprets the Korean Peninsula’s geographical shape as resembling a horse, with its hooves submerged in water, representing the four corners of the nation. the “horse’s saddle” on this Korean Peninsula is being completed through the construction of expressways, such as the West Coast, South Coast, and Gangneung-Sokcho expressways, with the Gyeongbu Expressway serving as the “horse’s whip”. his surname, Huh (許), contains the character for “horse” (馬), signifying that he is the one destined to “ride the horse” and unify the world.

Huh Kyung-young also addresses profound questions about creation and life, such as why the creator causes humans to die through natural disasters, why Earth and humans were created, and the various methods of life’s emergence on Earth. his books contain answers to all these mysteries, including the original human lifespan of 365 years, which he claims was reduced after the discovery of fire and the shift in diet. there is no topic on Earth that is not covered in his ten volumes of books. these comprehensive plans and insights are not mere political rhetoric but a divine blueprint for humanity’s future.

8. The Phenomenon of Huh Kyung-young’s Popularity
   Huh Kyung-young discusses the unique and often unexpected nature of his popularity, particularly among the elderly and younger generations, despite his limited presence in mainstream media. He recounts an encounter with three elderly individuals who recognized him as a Balgwangche (발광체), meaning a “luminous body” or “light source,” rather than by his name. He explains that while politicians are merely Bansache (반사체), or “reflective bodies” like the moon, reflecting light from others, he is a Gwangwon (광원), a true source of light and energy. This spontaneous recognition by the elderly, he notes, surprised him and underscored the depth of his public perception.

He also highlights his significant online presence, citing his 1.1 million followers on Facebook, which he claims far surpasses the combined followers of other prominent politicians. He references an incident where young people at a political rally for Ahn Cheol-soo and Lee Jun-seok abandoned the event to gather around him, demonstrating his magnetic appeal. Lee Jun-seok, a former party leader, even appeared on KBS to discuss Huh Kyung-young’s influence, acknowledging the “Huh Kyung-young syndrome” among young people. Huh Kyung-young interprets this as a testament to his unique appeal and the public’s yearning for a different kind of leadership.

He expresses frustration with the media’s exclusion of him from opinion polls and televised debates, arguing that such unfair practices prevent the public from fully understanding his vision. He believes that if given a fair platform, his popularity would quickly transform the political landscape of the Republic of Korea. his consistent popularity, both online and in person, indicates a deep public resonance with his message and policies, which he believes are essential for the nation’s future.

9. The Haneulgung and the Path to the White Heaven
   Huh Kyung-young concludes his lecture by emphasizing the spiritual dimension of his mission and the importance of Haneulgung (하늘궁), his spiritual center. He reiterates the core message that “only Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend aligns with its original intent”. his National Dividend policy would replace existing welfare programs, such as basic livelihood support and most disability benefits, ensuring that the 200 trillion KRW currently allocated to these programs is directly distributed to citizens. This consolidation, he argues, eliminates the inefficiencies and potential for corruption inherent in the current fragmented welfare system, where funds often do not reach those who truly need them.

He stresses that unlike the current system, where it is difficult to track who receives welfare funds, the National Dividend ensures transparency, as any non-receipt would be immediately apparent. This transparency, he claims, prevents misappropriation and ensures equitable distribution.

Huh Kyung-young also introduces the concept of the White Heaven Nametag (백궁(白宮)명패), a “White Heaven nameplate,” which he states is essential for individuals to ascend to White Heaven (백궁(白宮)), a celestial realm. He urges those who have made partial payments for their nameplates to complete their payments, asserting that this act can help resolve their earthly difficulties and is a prerequisite for reaching White Heaven after death. this spiritual aspect is an integral part of his overall vision, connecting individual well-being with a higher purpose and the ultimate destination of the soul. He concludes by expressing gratitude to his audience for their attention, reinforcing the profound and comprehensive nature of his teachings.

1. The Core Principles of Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend Policy

Huh Kyung-young observes that South Korea is currently plagued by economic policy failures, corruption, and injustice, leading to widespread public suffering and despair. the only solution to these issues lies in the National Dividend payment and the “33 Policies” of the National Revolutionary Party. The central aim of these policies is to elevate all impoverished and working-class citizens into the middle class. He proposes a monthly National Dividend of 1.5 million Korean Won for all citizens, with an additional 700,000 Korean Won in old-age benefits for those over 65, totaling 2.2 million Korean Won per month, to alleviate severe old-age anxiety. He explains that the funding for the National Dividend and the “33 Policies” will be secured by reducing a substantial 70% of the national budget. these measures are a panacea for South Korea’s crisis and the myriad sufferings of its people.

2. A Critique of Existing Basic Income Proposals
   Huh Kyung-young references a critique by Kang Sung-jin, a professor of economics at Korea University, regarding the basic income proposals from both the ruling and opposition parties. Professor Kang described these basic income schemes as mere “pocket money” or variations thereof. In an article published in the Munhwa Ilbo, titled “The Three Traps of Basic Income,” Professor Kang identified three major pitfalls. The first trap, according to Professor Kang, is the intention to implement basic income while maintaining the existing 200 trillion Korean Won welfare system.

Huh Kyung-young contrasts his National Dividend with other basic income proposals. He points out that while the national budget is 560 trillion Korean Won, with approximately 200 trillion allocated to welfare, other candidates propose an annual basic income of 500,000 Korean Won, which amounts to about 40,000 Korean Won per month. He dismisses this as a “pocket money” level, insufficient for basic living. In stark contrast, Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend proposes 18 million Korean Won annually, or 1.5 million Korean Won per month, which he states is 50% of the national basic income. He criticizes other politicians for merely imitating his ideas without understanding the scale or the necessary financial restructuring. He also dismisses the idea of funding basic income through land taxes, as these are already part of the national revenue. He likens these inadequate proposals to “hanging a sheep’s head and selling dog meat,” implying deception.

3. The Comprehensive Vision of Huh Kyung-young’s Policies
   his policies are meticulously planned with precise data, aiming to create a happier society. He mentions that his vision, including plans for a unified world emperor’s House and a unified government complex, has been meticulously detailed since his youth, even in comic book form. He refers to his extensive collection of books, comprising thousands of pages of illustrations, which outline his comprehensive plans for the nation.

He also delves into profound philosophical and cosmological concepts, explaining the five cosmic spaces: Jikong, Ingong, Sigong, Jingong, and White Heaven. He describes the universal laws governing existence, from the “principles of the earth” (Jiri) that sustain animals and insects, to the “principles of human conduct” (Sunri), “moral principles” (Dori), “rational principles” (Hamni), “ethical principles” (Yunri), “truth” (Jinri), “divine principles” (Seomni), “Heaven principles” (Cheonri), and “ultimate principles” (Baekri). these ten principles govern the Earth and the universe, and his books contain answers to all questions, whether political or religious. He mentions that these books, though written, have not yet been published, awaiting his presidency.

He further elaborates on his vision for the future of Korea, including the destination of the deceased. He addresses questions about the creation of humans and Earth, and the resemblance between human faces and the universe. He also discusses the hierarchy of existence, from body to blood, nation, religion, and heaven. He explains his ambition to become a world emperor after a brief presidency, unifying the world. He details plans for the imperial House in Wangsan, Yeongjongdo.

Huh Kyung-young connects the shape of the Korean Peninsula to a running horse, symbolizing his role as the one who will “mount the horse” and unify the world. He explains that the “saddle” on this horse, representing the Korean Peninsula, is being completed by the construction of expressways, such as the West Coast, South Coast, and Gangneung-Sokcho expressways, with the Gyeongbu Expressway serving as the “whip”. He interprets his surname, “Huh,” which contains the character for “horse,” as a prophecy of his destiny to lead.

He also touches upon the concept of “Samgang Oryun” (Three Bonds and Five Relations), suggesting that people have misunderstood its true meaning. He links “Three Filial Piety” to the basic posture for levitation, implying that those who are unfilial cannot levitate. He discusses the creation of water and its secrets. He also mentions that human lifespan was originally 365 years, sometimes extending to 900 years, but decreased after the discovery of fire and the shift to cooked food. his books contain answers to all questions on Earth.

4. The “Spirit of the Times” and the “33 Policies”
   his “33 Policies” embody the “Spirit of the Times” (The Spirit of the Times). He claims to be the first to introduce this term in the context of political discourse in Korea. He uses the analogy of “fighting fire with fire” (이열치열, iyeolchyeol) to describe the transformative power of his policies.

He refers to a debate where a spokesperson for the People Power Party, Yang Jun-ho, identified “fairness and childbirth” as the spirit of the times. Yang Jun-ho then stated that Huh Kyung-young’s approach was the solution to these issues. his “33 Policies” encompass these concerns, including reducing the number of National Assembly members to 100, making their positions honorary and unpaid, providing dividends to citizens, and implementing childbirth policies. He highlights that his policies address the issues of low birth rates and marriage difficulties by offering 300 million Korean Won for marriage.

5. Academic Endorsement and Financial Strategy
   Huh Kyung-young cites Professor Kang Sung-jin’s article in the Munhwa Ilbo, which stated that “only Huh Kyung-young’s pledges align with the original intent of basic income”. Professor Kang further characterized other candidates’ basic income proposals as mere “variations of pocket money”. The article explicitly stated that “Huh Kyung-young, the representative of the National Revolutionary Party, has the most suitable proposal for the principles of basic income in Korea”.

Huh Kyung-young’s proposal includes an annual payment of 18 million Korean Won (1.5 million Korean Won per month) to all citizens over 18, which exceeds 50% of the current per capita national income. his plan involves abolishing existing welfare programs, except for disability welfare and basic old-age pensions, and redirecting the 200 trillion Korean Won saved from these programs to fund the National Dividend. He also mentions additional benefits, such as 10 million Korean Won for funerals and 40 million Korean Won for weddings. He also proposes a 100,000 Korean Won birthday gift from the president, including a cake or rice cake, and a personalized gift that varies each year and is sourced from local factories to stimulate regional economies. He estimates that birthday gifts alone would cost 3 trillion Korean Won annually.

his financial strategy is robust, unlike other proposals that merely add to the existing budget. He outlines a six-point plan to secure the necessary funds:

• 1. Budget Reduction: A 70% reduction in the national budget, saving 400 trillion Korean Won.
• 2. Tax System Reform: Comprehensive tax reform, including tax consolidation and anti-tax evasion measures, increasing tax revenue by 200 trillion Korean Won annually.
• 3. Expansion of Fines: Expanding the system of fines and reducing the number of correctional facilities, generating 100 trillion Korean Won.
• 4. Special Business Operators: Reforming laws to allow 5 million “special business operators” to earn income through referrals and brokering, generating an additional 100 trillion Korean Won in tax revenue from previously untaxed informal income. He explains that this would legitimize income from activities like real estate referrals or matchmaking, which are currently informal and untaxed. This would also help eliminate unemployment by allowing people to earn income through their networks.
  He contrasts his comprehensive and well-funded plan with other basic income proposals, which he views as inadequate and deceptive. his policies are born from his own experiences of hardship, working multiple jobs and struggling to make ends meet while studying. only someone who has experienced such struggles can truly understand the need for a National Dividend.

6. Personal Experiences and Political Landscape
   Huh Kyung-young shares his personal history of poverty and hard work, including working in factories, selling newspapers, shining shoes, and making gold rings, all while attending night school. He recounts an incident during physical education class where he fainted due to anemia and malnutrition, highlighting the extreme conditions he endured. He describes how he often sought leftover food from strangers, never asking for warm meals to avoid inconvenience. He recalls a particular instance where a woman, observing his plight, gave him money and a pure gold cross necklace, encouraging him to study hard. He expresses gratitude for such acts of kindness.

He reflects on his perspective during those times, feeling pity for the well-off students who were constantly tutored, believing they lacked the real-world experience that constituted true education. he never consumed alcohol, tobacco, coffee, or soda, maintaining discipline despite his difficult circumstances.

Huh Kyung-young also discusses his unique political standing, noting that he is often referred to as a “luminary” (발광체, balgwangche) by older citizens, distinguishing himself from other politicians whom he calls “reflectors” (반사체, bansache). He explains that luminaries generate their own light, like the sun, while reflectors merely reflect light, like the moon, symbolizing a lack of original energy or ideas in other politicians.

He highlights his significant popularity, citing an instance where supporters of other candidates, including Ahn Cheol-soo and Lee Jun-seok, flocked to him during a campaign event. He also points to his high ranking in social media popularity among politicians, with 1.1 million followers on Facebook, significantly more than other prominent figures. He mentions a KBS broadcast that dedicated an hour to him, featuring Lee Jun-seok and Lee Cheol-woo discussing his influence, which he found surprising. He interprets this as an acknowledgment of his unique appeal and the impact he has on young people. He calls for fair elections, free from the exclusion of Huh Kyung-young, and insists on debates with other candidates.

7. The Imperative of Haneulgung Membership
   Huh Kyung-young concludes by emphasizing the importance of Haneulgung membership, particularly the “White Heaven Nameplate”. for those who have chosen to pay in installments, completing the full payment is crucial, as it is a prerequisite for ascending to the White Heaven after death. He suggests that resolving these outstanding payments can help alleviate personal difficulties.

The Divine Mandate: Huh Kyung-young’s Vision for National Restoration and Universal Prosperity

1. The Fallacy of Conventional Basic Income and the Inevitability of National Dividend
   We currently reside in a Republic of Korea plagued by economic policy failures, rampant corruption, and pervasive injustice. The suffering of the populace reaches the heavens, and lamentations of “Is this truly a nation?” erupt from every corner. The singular path to resolving these tribulations lies solely in the National Dividend and 33 Policies of the National Revolutionary Party; no other alternative exists. At the core of the 33 Policies is the citizenry, aiming to elevate all suffering impoverished and common classes to the middle class.

A monthly National Dividend of 1.5 million Korean Won will be disbursed to every individual. Furthermore, citizens aged 65 and above will receive a combined total of 2.2 million Korean Won monthly, comprising the 1.5 million Korean Won National Dividend and an additional 700,000 Korean Won in old-age benefits, thereby alleviating severe anxieties regarding old age. The National Dividend disbursement will conserve 70% of the vast national budget, with sufficient financial resources secured through the profound 33 Policies. The National Dividend and 33 Policies represent the panacea for rescuing the Republic of Korea from crisis and resolving the myriad sufferings of its people.

Professor Kang Seong-jin of Korea University’s Department of Economics recently critiqued the basic income schemes proposed by both the ruling and opposition parties, labeling them as mere variations of “pocket money” for the populace. He articulated this critique in a lengthy article published in the Munhwa Ilbo, titled “The Three Pitfalls of Basic Income.” These pitfalls include the intention to maintain the existing 200 trillion Korean Won welfare system while providing additional basic income. Our annual national budget is 560 trillion Korean Won, with approximately 200 trillion Korean Won allocated to welfare. The proposal to implement a national basic income while retaining this 200 trillion Korean Won budget is problematic.

For instance, Governor Lee Jae-myung’s proposal offers an annual basic income of 500,000 Korean Won per citizen, which translates to approximately 40,000 Korean Won per month. This is the essence of his basic income scheme. In stark contrast, my National Dividend provides 18 million Korean Won annually, or 1.5 million Korean Won per month. The disparity in these amounts is substantial. My proposal represents 50% of the national basic income, a figure scientifically calculated decades ago to ensure a sustainable livelihood. To offer merely 40,000 Korean Won per month and label it “basic income” is to mock the citizenry. While emulating my National Dividend is commendable, the proposed amount is insufficient. The current political discourse, where parties contend over such meager sums, is akin to “hanging a sheep’s head and selling dog meat,” a deceptive practice that misleads the public by disguising pocket money as a fundamental income.

My political platform is not merely rhetorical; it is meticulously structured with precise data and a comprehensive vision for national happiness. From an early age, I have meticulously planned every aspect, from the construction of the World Unification Imperial House and the World Unification Government Complex to the intricate details of global governance. These plans are documented in numerous volumes of illustrated books, each page a testament to a profound understanding of universal principles.

2. The Cosmic Order and the Ten Principles of the Universe
   The universe, as I perceive it, comprises five distinct spaces: Jikong (地空), Ingong (人空), Sigong (時空), Jingong (眞空), and Cheonggong (天空). These spaces are governed by a hierarchical order of principles, which I have elucidated in my writings. This hierarchy begins with Jiri (地理), the principle governing animals and insects. Above this is Sunri (順理), the principle guiding human life. Further ascending, we find Dori (道理), the moral principles of humanity, and Hamni (合理), the principle of rationality. Beyond these are Yunri (倫理), Jinri (眞理), Seomni (攝理), Cheonri (天理), and Baekri (百理), culminating in Simni (心理), the ultimate principle that orchestrates the cosmos. These ten principles dictate the functioning of our world and the universe. My comprehensive works, spanning thousands of pages across more than ten volumes, delve into these universal laws, offering interpretations that transcend conventional political and religious doctrines. These texts, though currently unpublished, will be released upon my ascension to the presidency.

My writings also address profound questions such as the destination of the deceased, the future of Korea, and the intricate relationship between humanity and Earth. For instance, the question of why Earth and human faces bear such a resemblance, or why the universe is structured as it is, are explored in depth. These are inquiries not found in conventional encyclopedias. I also address the philosophical hierarchy: why blood is thicker than the body, the nation thicker than blood, religion thicker than the nation, and heaven thicker than religion. My work represents the culmination of human philosophy.

My vision extends beyond a temporary presidency; it encompasses the establishment of a World Unification Imperial House and the unification of the world under a global emperor. The location for this Imperial House is planned for Wangsan in Yeongjongdo. Furthermore, the Korean Peninsula, shaped like a horse in motion, awaits the completion of its saddle, symbolizing the infrastructure necessary for my global unification efforts. The completion of the West Coast, South Coast, and Gangneung-Sokcho expressways, along with the near-completion of the Sokcho-Busan expressway, signifies the nearing completion of this “saddle.” The Gyeongbu Expressway, acting as the “horsewhip,” further solidifies this symbolic readiness. The character for my surname, “Huh” (許), contains the radical for “horse” (馬), signifying that I am the one destined to ride this horse and lead the world.

My writings also address the fundamental questions of existence: why the Creator allows natural disasters and human suffering, why humanity and Earth were created, and the various methods of life’s genesis on Earth. These profound inquiries, along with the true meaning of the Samgang Oryun (Three Bonds and Five Relations) and the three filial pieties as prerequisites for levitation, are all meticulously detailed. Even the question of why human lifespan was once 365 years, extending to 900 years before the discovery of fire, is explained. My books contain answers to every conceivable question about the universe and Earth.

3. The Spirit of the Times: My 33 Policies as the Solution
   The “Spirit of the Times” (더 스피릿 오브 더 타임스), a term I coined, encapsulates the essence of my 33 Policies. When asked about the spirit of the times, some politicians cite “fairness and childbirth.” However, these are merely components within my comprehensive 33 Policies. My policies, which include reducing the number of National Assembly members to 100 and making their positions honorary, providing national dividends, and implementing robust childbirth policies, address every aspect of the current societal challenges. For instance, my proposal to provide 300 million Korean Won for marriage directly tackles the issue of declining marriage rates among those in their 40s and 50s.

A recent debate for the selection of the People Power Party’s spokesperson, held on July 6, 2021, featured 141 candidates. Yang Jun-ho, a 26-year-old candidate, garnered attention by stating that “Huh Kyung-young’s policies were correct.” When asked about the most crucial spirit of the times for presidential candidates to appeal to the public, he emphasized low birth rates and the need for robust childbirth policies. He then explicitly stated that his proposed solutions were “Huh Kyung-young style.” This acknowledgment from a prominent figure within a major political party underscores the profound impact and relevance of my policies.

Professor Kang Seong-jin, a leading economist, has affirmed that “only Huh Kyung-young’s pledges align with the original intent of basic income.” He further asserted that other candidates’ basic income proposals are merely “variations of pocket money.” His article in the Munhwa Ilbo, “The Three Pitfalls of Basic Income,” explicitly states that “the most suitable proposal for the principle of basic income in Korea is that of Huh Kyung-young, leader of the National Revolutionary Party.” He acknowledges my proposal to provide 18 million Korean Won annually (1.5 million Korean Won monthly) to all citizens aged 18 and above, which exceeds 50% of the current per capita national income.

While Professor Kang initially questioned the funding and the fate of existing welfare programs under my plan, my approach is clear: existing welfare programs, excluding disability benefits and basic old-age pensions, will be abolished, and the 200 trillion Korean Won allocated to them will be redirected to the National Dividend. This ensures that the 1.5 million Korean Won per person, which increases with the number of children, effectively resolves the issues.

In contrast, Governor Lee Jae-myung’s proposal of 500,000 Korean Won annually, or 40,000 Korean Won monthly, is deemed “insignificant.” My plan includes substantial benefits for life events: 10 million Korean Won for funerals, 40 million Korean Won for weddings, and 100,000 Korean Won as a birthday gift from the President, along with a cake or rice cake and a personalized card. These birthday gifts are tailored to the recipient’s age and the season, and are sourced from local businesses, thereby stimulating regional economies. For instance, winter birthdays receive winter gloves, while summer birthdays receive fans, all bearing the presidential emblem. The annual cost of these birthday gifts alone is 3 trillion Korean Won.

My National Dividend is fundamentally different from the “social dividends” or “basic income” proposed by other politicians, which are often meager additions to the existing 560 trillion Korean Won national budget, sometimes funded by land taxes. Such proposals are mere wordplay, deceiving the public with grand names while offering negligible amounts.

4. The Financial Blueprint for National Prosperity
   The concerns raised by Professor Kang Seong-jin regarding the funding of my National Dividend are addressed through a comprehensive financial strategy. Firstly, existing basic livelihood support programs will be replaced by the National Dividend, eliminating the 200 trillion Korean Won currently allocated to them. This ensures that the 1.5 million Korean Won per person (3 million Korean Won for couples) covers these needs. Secondly, 70% of the national budget will be saved, generating 400 trillion Korean Won. Thirdly, tax system reforms, including tax consolidation and anti-tax evasion measures, will increase tax revenue by 200 trillion Korean Won annually. Fourthly, expanding the scope of fines and reducing the number of correctional facilities will generate an additional 100 trillion Korean Won.

Finally, reforming the legal framework for 5 million “special business operators” will generate another 100 trillion Korean Won. This reform allows individuals to legally earn income by connecting people with services, such as real estate, medical care, or funeral services, without requiring traditional licenses. Currently, such activities are often conducted informally, leading to untaxed income. By legalizing and taxing these activities, a significant new revenue stream will be created. For example, if someone facilitates the sale of a building for a friend, they can legitimately earn a commission and pay taxes on it, rather than operating in the shadows. This empowers individuals, particularly the elderly and unemployed, to generate income and contribute to the economy, thereby eliminating unemployment.

These measures collectively generate 800 trillion Korean Won, more than sufficient to fund the National Dividend and other welfare programs, including disability benefits. Other politicians’ proposals, offering a mere 500,000 Korean Won annually, or 40,000 Korean Won monthly, are a deceptive “dragon’s head and snake’s tail” (용두사미), a grand promise with a meager outcome.

My policies are born from a lifetime of hardship and direct experience with poverty. From working in factories, delivering newspapers, shining shoes, assisting bus drivers, to crafting gold rings and cutting diamonds, I have endured immense physical and emotional toil. These experiences have instilled in me a profound understanding of the struggles faced by ordinary citizens, particularly those burdened by debt and financial insecurity. My proposals to provide substantial support for marriage and other life events stem from this deep empathy.

Unlike those who have lived privileged lives, I understand the true meaning of hardship. My education was pursued while working multiple jobs, often going hungry. I learned to endure and to view those from affluent backgrounds with a sense of pity, recognizing that true education comes from lived experience, not merely from academic study.

5. The Luminary and the Reflector: A Contrast in Political Leadership
   Recently, I encountered three elderly individuals who referred to me as a “luminary” (발광체). This term, scientifically known as a “light source” (광원), describes an entity that emits its own light, such as the sun or stars. In contrast, they labeled other politicians as “reflectors” (반사체), entities like the moon that merely reflect light from a primary source. This analogy highlights a fundamental distinction: I am a source of original ideas and solutions, while others merely appropriate and dilute my proposals.

My popularity is not a recent phenomenon. Even six years ago, during a campaign rally where Ahn Cheol-soo and Lee Jun-seok were speaking, thousands of people abandoned their rally to come and see me. This spontaneous shift in public attention deeply impacted them. My social media presence consistently ranks me as the most popular politician, with over 1.1 million followers on Facebook, far surpassing other prominent figures. A recent survey by a professional polling firm ranked me as the top individual political figure, even above major media outlets and the President.

In 2017, on the day President Moon Jae-in was elected, KBS aired a one-hour special dedicated entirely to me, featuring interviews with Lee Jun-seok and Lee Cheol-woo. Both individuals, who later became party leaders and presidential advisors, spoke about the profound impact of my presence on young people. They recounted how young people would abandon their rallies to flock to me, eager to take photos and engage. This unprecedented coverage by a national broadcaster, without my direct involvement, further attests to the unique and powerful appeal of my message.

My popularity is not merely a fleeting trend; it is a testament to the public’s yearning for genuine leadership and transformative policies. I demand a fair election, free from the exclusion and bias that have historically plagued my campaigns. The public will no longer tolerate a presidential election that marginalizes me.

6. The Imperative of the White Heaven Nametag
   It is crucial to understand that the National Dividend, as I propose it, will replace existing basic livelihood support and other welfare programs, thereby eliminating the 200 trillion Korean Won currently allocated to them. This ensures that the 1.5 million Korean Won per person is a direct and transparent benefit, unlike the opaque and often mismanaged existing welfare funds. The current system, where funds are disbursed without clear accountability, is susceptible to corruption and often fails to reach those most in need. My National Dividend, by contrast, ensures immediate detection of any non-receipt, making corruption impossible.

Furthermore, for those who have acquired the White Heaven Nametag (백궁 명패) through installment payments, it is imperative to complete the full payment. This act of completion is essential for resolving personal difficulties and for the continued development of Haneulgung. The White Heaven Nametag is a prerequisite for entry into the White Heaven (백궁), and incomplete payments may hinder this spiritual journey. Therefore, I urge all who have committed to the White Heaven Nametag to finalize their payments, as this will not only benefit them personally but also contribute to the greater mission of Haneulgung.

What is the core of Hur Kyung-young’s ‘National Dividend’ policy? It aims to provide 1.5 million won monthly to all citizens by drastically cutting existing welfare budgets and increasing tax revenue, unlike other basic income proposals.

1. Introduction to Hur Kyung-young’s Policies
   Hur Kyung-young’s National Dividend and 33 Policies are presented as the only solutions to South Korea’s economic problems, corruption, and inequality.

2. These policies aim to alleviate the suffering of citizens and elevate the poor and working class to the middle class.

3. The National Dividend proposes a monthly payment of 1.5 million won to all citizens, with an additional 700,000 won (totaling 2.2 million won) for those over 65 to address old-age anxiety.

4. The funding for these policies would come from saving 70% of the national budget and through the 33 Policies.

5. These policies are described as a “panacea” for South Korea’s crises and the suffering of its people.

6. Critique of Other Basic Income Proposals
   Hur Kyung-young criticizes other basic income proposals, particularly those from the ruling and opposition parties, by contrasting them with his National Dividend policy.

2.1. Professor Kang Sung-jin’s Critique of Basic Income

1. Professor Kang Sung-jin of Korea University’s economics department criticized the basic income proposals of both the ruling and opposition parties, calling them a “variant of pocket money.”
2. Kang Sung-jin’s article, “The Three Traps of Basic Income,” published in Munhwa Ilbo, highlights key issues.
3. The first trap is that existing welfare programs, which amount to 200 trillion won, would remain in place, and basic income would be added on top of them.
4. For example, Lee Jae-myung’s proposal of 500,000 won annually (about 30,000 won monthly) is considered insufficient.

2.2. Comparison of Hur Kyung-young’s National Dividend with Other Proposals

1. Hur Kyung-young’s National Dividend proposes 18 million won annually, or 1.5 million won monthly, which is significantly higher than other proposals.

2. This amount represents 50% of the national basic income, making other proposals seem like mere “pocket money.”

3. Hur Kyung-young argues that other politicians are merely imitating his ideas but offering inadequate amounts.

4. Other proposals, like the 500,000 won annual payment (40,000 won monthly), are seen as insulting to citizens.

5. The funding for these smaller basic income proposals, such as through comprehensive real estate taxes, is also criticized as insufficient and merely a way to make a show of giving money.

6. Hur Kyung-young likens these inadequate proposals to “hanging a sheep’s head and selling dog meat,” meaning they are deceptive.

7. these proposals disguise “pocket money” as basic income.

8. Hur Kyung-young’s Comprehensive Plans and Unique Insights
   Hur Kyung-young claims to have meticulously planned solutions for national issues and possesses unique insights into various aspects of existence, which he has documented extensively.

3.1. Detailed Planning and Documentation

1. Hur Kyung-young asserts that his plans are based on precise data and are perfectly structured to bring happiness to the nation.
2. He claims to have created detailed plans, including blueprints for a world unified imperial House and a unified government complex, since childhood.
3. These plans are documented in numerous books, including comic books, with each page containing detailed explanations and titles.

3.2. Analysis of South Korean Presidential History

1. Hur Kyung-young analyzes the pattern of South Korean presidential elections, noting that candidates widely expected to win often lose, and unexpected figures emerge victorious.
2. Examples include Syngman Rhee winning over Kim Gu and Shin Ik-hee, and Park Chung-hee taking power from Yun Po-sun.
3. Other instances include Chun Doo-hwan and Kim Young-sam becoming president instead of Kim Dae-jung, and Roh Moo-hyun winning against Lee Hoi-chang.
4. This pattern suggests that an “unexpected special person” often wins instead of the highly anticipated candidate.
5. He claims his books analyze the reasons behind these outcomes.

3.3. Cosmic and Philosophical Explanations

1. Hur Kyung-young states that his books contain explanations of the universe, including five types of spaces: Jigong, Ingong, Sigong, Jingong, and White Heaven.

2. He also describes the universal laws governing existence, such as Jiri (principles of the earth for animals and plants), Sunri (principles for humans), Dori (human morality), Hamni (rationality), Yunri (ethics), Jinri (truth), Seomni (providence), Cheonri (Heaven principles), and Baekri (ultimate principles).

3. These principles explain everything from politics to religion.

4. He claims to have answers to profound questions, such as the purpose of human creation, the origin of life, and the reasons behind human lifespan changes.

5. For example, he states that human lifespan was originally 365 years, sometimes extending to 900 years, but decreased after the discovery of fire and the consumption of cooked food.

6. His books also address philosophical questions, such as why presidents serve briefly before becoming world emperors.

7. He explains his vision for a unified world government, including the location and design of the imperial House in Wangsan, Yeongjongdo.

8. He interprets the Korean Peninsula’s shape as a horse, with the completion of coastal expressways symbolizing the “saddle” that allows him, as “Huh” (meaning “horse” in Chinese characters), to ride and unify the world.

9. He claims his books contain answers to all questions about the universe and human existence, encompassing philosophy, religion, and all other fields.

10. These books are currently unpublished but will be released when he becomes president.

11. Hur Kyung-young’s “Spirit of the Times” and Public Recognition
    Hur Kyung-young asserts that his 33 Policies embody the true “spirit of the times” and highlights instances of public and political recognition of his influence.

4.1. The “Spirit of the Times” and the 33 Policies

1. Hur Kyung-young’s 33 Policies are presented as the “spirit of the times” (The Spirit of the Times).
2. He claims to be the first to use the term “spirit of the times” in this context.
3. He contrasts his approach to funding the National Dividend with other politicians’ proposals.
4. He plans to cut 70% of the national budget and generate an additional 400 trillion won, whereas others propose adding small amounts to the existing budget.
5. He cites a debate where Yang Jun-ho, a candidate for the People Power Party spokesperson, stated that “fairness and childbirth” are the spirit of the times, but then admitted that Hur Kyung-young’s policies are the solution.
6. Yang Jun-ho explicitly stated that his proposed solutions are “Hur Kyung-young style.”
7. Hur Kyung-young emphasizes that his 33 Policies encompass all aspects of the “spirit of the times,” including reducing the number of National Assembly members, making positions honorary, providing dividends, and addressing low birth rates and marriage issues.

4.2. Academic Endorsement of Hur Kyung-young’s National Dividend

1. Professor Kang Sung-jin of Korea University, a prominent economist, stated that “only Hur Kyung-young’s pledges align with the original intent” of basic income.
2. Kang Sung-jin argued that other candidates’ basic income proposals are merely “variants of pocket money.”
3. The professor’s analysis concluded that Hur Kyung-young’s proposal of 18 million won annually (1.5 million won monthly) for all citizens over 18 is the most suitable for the basic income principle.
4. This amount exceeds 50% of the current per capita national income.
5. Kang Sung-jin initially questioned how Hur Kyung-young would manage existing welfare programs and secure funding.
6. Hur Kyung-young clarifies that his plan involves abolishing most existing welfare programs (except for disability welfare and basic old-age pensions) and redirecting the 200 trillion won saved to the National Dividend.
7. He also plans to provide additional benefits for families, such as 150 million won per child.
8. Other proposals, like Lee Jae-myung’s 500,000 won annually (40,000 won monthly), are deemed “insignificant.”

4.3. Additional Benefits and Economic Impact of Hur Kyung-young’s Policies

1. Hur Kyung-young’s policies include various benefits beyond the National Dividend.
2. He proposes 500,000 won as a birthday gift, 10 million won for funerals, and 40 million won for weddings.
3. Birthday gifts would include a 100,000 won cash bonus, a presidential letter, and a gift (cake, rice cake, or toy for children).
4. These gifts would be sourced from local factories, promoting regional economies.
5. For example, gifts for the Suwon area would come from Suwon factories, and Busan cakes would be made by Busan bakers.
6. This system would prevent monopolies and boost local economies.
7. A specialized “cake delivery team” would be established to ensure safe delivery, creating local jobs.
8. The annual cost for birthday cakes alone is estimated at 3 trillion won.
9. other politicians’ proposals, such as “social dividends,” are mere imitations that offer negligible amounts.
10. his plan involves a 70% reduction in national budget and an additional 400 trillion won in revenue, unlike others who simply add to the existing 560 trillion won budget.

4.4. Public and Political Support for Hur Kyung-young

1. Hur Kyung-young highlights his strong public support and the frustration of other politicians.

2. He shows a video of himself expressing anger at politicians who fail to plan for the nation’s future.

3. He recounts an encounter with elderly people who recognized him as a “luminous body” (balgwangche), meaning a source of light, in contrast to other politicians who are “reflective bodies” (bansache), merely reflecting light from others.

4. This implies that other politicians lack original ideas and simply copy his.

5. He points to his high popularity on social media, with 1.1 million Facebook followers, significantly more than other political figures.

6. He also cites a survey where he ranked 4th among all entities (including major media outlets) and 1st among individual politicians in terms of online popularity.

7. He recalls an incident where young people abandoned a campaign rally for Ahn Cheol-soo and Lee Jun-seok to see him, demonstrating his strong appeal to the youth.

8. He mentions a KBS program that dedicated an hour to discussing why people are drawn to him, featuring Lee Jun-seok and Lee Cheol-woo, who acknowledged his impact.

9. This indicates that his influence is significant enough to warrant attention from mainstream media and political figures.

10. Hur Kyung-young demands fair treatment in elections, arguing that excluding him from debates is unjust and that the public will not tolerate it.

11. Detailed Financial Plan for the National Dividend
    Hur Kyung-young provides a detailed breakdown of how his National Dividend policy will be funded, emphasizing its distinction from other basic income proposals.

5.1. Funding Sources and Budget Reallocation

1. The National Dividend of 1.5 million won per person (3 million won for couples) will replace existing basic welfare programs, including basic livelihood support and most disability welfare, saving 200 trillion won.
2. This means that the 200 trillion won currently allocated to these programs will be unified under the National Dividend.
3. His plan involves a 70% reduction in the national budget, saving 400 trillion won.
4. Tax system reform, including tax integration and anti-tax evasion measures, will increase tax revenue by 200 trillion won annually.
5. Expanding the fine system and reducing prisons will generate an additional 100 trillion won.
6. Reforming the lawyer’s act to allow 5 million “special business operators” (brokers) to legally earn income from referrals will generate another 100 trillion won in tax revenue.
7. Currently, such income is often undeclared and untaxed.
8. This reform would legalize and tax these informal incomes, creating jobs for highly educated but unemployed individuals.
9. These measures combined would generate 800 trillion won, ensuring sufficient funds for the National Dividend and other welfare programs.

5.2. Personal Experiences and the Rationale for the National Dividend

1. Hur Kyung-young emphasizes that his policies are born from his own experiences of extreme hardship, including working multiple factory jobs, selling newspapers, shining shoes, and working in jewelry manufacturing while attending night school.

2. He often went hungry, experiencing severe anemia due to malnutrition.

3. He learned to endure difficult conditions without consuming alcohol, tobacco, coffee, or soda.

4. He believes that only someone who has personally experienced such suffering can truly understand the need for a National Dividend.

5. He contrasts his deep understanding with politicians who offer “pocket money” without real-world experience.

6. He recalls being helped by many women who gave him food, which he remembers with gratitude.

7. Despite his poverty, he maintained his dignity and even felt pity for wealthy students who only studied from books, believing that true learning comes from hardship.

8. He highlights the problem of existing welfare funds being mismanaged or going to the wrong people, whereas the National Dividend would be transparent and directly distributed to all citizens.

9. He mentions a case where a welfare official embezzled 7.8 billion won from basic livelihood support funds.

10. The transparency of the National Dividend would prevent such corruption.

11. Call to Action and Conclusion
    Hur Kyung-young concludes by urging his supporters to complete their White Heaven Nametag payments to ensure their path to White Heaven (heaven) and to support the development of Haneulgung.

12. completing White Heaven Nametag payments is crucial for resolving personal difficulties and for the progress of Haneulgung.

13. He thanks the audience for their attention and support.

1. The Current State of the Nation and the Vision for its Future

We are currently living in a nation plagued by economic policy failures, corruption, and injustice. The suffering of the people has reached its peak, with lamentations echoing everywhere, questioning the very state of our country. The only path to resolution lies in the National Revolutionary Party’s National Dividend payment and its 33 Policies. There is no other alternative. At the core of the 33 Policies is the well-being of the people, aiming to elevate all suffering impoverished and working-class citizens into the middle class. We propose a monthly National Dividend of 1.5 million won for everyone, and for seniors aged 65 and above, a total of 2.2 million won per month, combining the 1.5 million won National Dividend with an additional 700,000 won in old-age allowance. This will effectively resolve the severe anxiety surrounding old age. The National Dividend payment will save 70% of the vast national budget, and its funding will be sufficiently secured through the great 33 Policies. The National Dividend payment and the 33 Policies are truly the panacea that will rescue South Korea from its crisis and alleviate the myriad sufferings of its people.

2. Critique of Basic Income and the Distinction of the National Dividend
   Professor Kang Sung-jin of Korea University’s Department of Economics recently criticized the basic income schemes proposed by both the ruling and opposition parties, referring to them as mere variations of “pocket money” for the public. He published a lengthy article in the Munhwa Ilbo titled “The Three Traps of Basic Income.” He argued that these basic income proposals contain three fundamental flaws. Firstly, they propose to provide additional payments while leaving the existing 200 trillion won welfare system untouched. Our annual budget is 560 trillion won, with approximately 200 trillion allocated to welfare. The problem, according to Professor Kang, is the intention to implement a national basic income system without reforming this existing 200 trillion won welfare budget.

For instance, Governor Lee Jae-myung’s proposal offers 500,000 won per year, which amounts to roughly 40,000 won per month. This is what he calls a basic income. In contrast, Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend is 18 million won per year, or 1.5 million won per month. The difference in amount is substantial. His proposal is merely pocket money, whereas mine represents 50% of the national basic income. To offer 40,000 won a month and call it a basic income is an insult to the public. It is a deceptive tactic, akin to “hanging a sheep’s head and selling dog meat,” meaning to advertise one thing but sell another. This is a clear attempt to disguise pocket money as a basic income.

Furthermore, the funding for these basic income proposals is often suggested to come from land taxes, which are already part of the existing tax revenue. Offering 500,000 won while making a big show of it on television is misleading.

3. The Comprehensive Vision and Unveiled Truths
   I have meticulously planned every aspect of the nation’s future since childhood, creating detailed blueprints and even comic books to illustrate my vision. This includes the design of the White Heaven Imperial House, the strategy for global unification, and the structure of the unified government complex. Everything is meticulously planned.

My books contain answers to all questions, from the fate of presidents to the principles governing the universe. For example, many popular candidates for president have failed, while unexpected individuals have risen to power. Kim Gu was expected to win, but Rhee Syng-man became president. Shin Ik-hee was expected to win, but Rhee Syng-man won again after Shin Ik-hee’s sudden death. Cho Byeong-ok was expected to win, but Rhee Syng-man won. Yoon Bo-seon became president, but Park Chung-hee took power. Kim Dae-jung was expected to win, but Chun Doo-hwan became president. Later, Kim Dae-jung was expected to win, but Kim Young-sam became president. Lee Hoi-chang was expected to win with 99% certainty, but Kim Dae-jung became president due to issues with Lee Hoi-chang’s son’s military service. Chung Mong-joon was expected to win, but Roh Moo-hyun became president. Park Geun-hye was expected to win, but Lee Myung-bak became president. There is a pattern where unexpected individuals emerge victorious. My books analyze the reasons behind these outcomes.

My writings also explain the five spaces in the universe: Jikong, Ingong, Sigong, Jingong, and White Heaven. I explain why the sky has its color. I also detail the principles governing the universe, such as Jiri (earthly principles), Sunri (natural principles), Dori (human principles), Hamni (rationality), Yunri (ethics), Jinri (truth), Seomni (divine providence), Cheonli (Heaven principles), and Baekli (ultimate principles). These ten principles govern the Earth and the universe. My books contain answers to all questions, whether political or religious. These books are not yet published but will be released when I become president.

I also address questions about the creator, such as the appearance and dwelling place of the creator. The creator’s dwelling is called Pyeonin, which is distinct from the principles governing stars and space. Pyeonin is the place of creation, while the others are created. The principles of Seomni vary by nation and tribe. Some tribes live unclothed and pity those who wear clothes, seeing them as restricted.

My books also contain answers to questions about the future of Korea, where people go after death, and why the Earth and humans resemble each other. They address profound philosophical questions, such as why blood is thicker than the body, the nation thicker than blood, religion thicker than the nation, and heaven thicker than religion. My work is the culmination of human philosophy.

I also explain why I, Huh Kyung-young, aim to be a temporary president, then create a public consensus, and eventually become a global emperor to unify the world. The location and design of the Imperial House are also detailed. I explain why the Imperial House will be built on Wangsan in Yeongjongdo.

My books also explain why the Korean Peninsula, shaped like a running horse, needs a saddle to be completed for me to achieve world unification. The horse’s hooves are submerged in water, representing the four corners of Korea. The saddle is completed by the expressways: the West Coast Expressway, the South Coast Expressway, the Gangneung-Sokcho Expressway, and the nearly completed expressway from Sokcho to Busan. The Gyeongbu Expressway, running through the center, forms the whip. I will sit on this completed saddle. The character “Huh” (許) contains the character for “horse” (馬), signifying the one who rides the horse.

My books also answer questions about why the creator, Huh Kyung-young, allows natural disasters and human suffering, and why humans and the Earth were created. They also explain the various ways life originated on Earth.

I also address why I, who claim to be from heaven, seek to become president. My books contain answers to all possible questions, including a reinterpretation of the Samgang Oryun (Three Bonds and Five Relationships). They also explain that the three filial pieties are the basic posture for levitation, as those who are unfilial cannot levitate. There is a scientific principle behind this.

My books also explain why the creator made water and its secrets, and why human lifespan was once 365 years, sometimes extending to 900 years. It decreased after the discovery of fire and the consumption of cooked rice, eventually reaching 100 years. After Noah’s flood, people lived for thousands of years. All these secrets are contained within my books.

These ten volumes of books contain all the philosophy, religion, and knowledge of the universe and Earth. If I were to publish them now, they would cause a sensation.

4. The Spirit of the Times: The 33 Policies
   The 33 Policies represent the Spirit of the Times. While other parties imitate my National Dividend proposal, they face issues with funding. I propose to save 70% of the national budget and redistribute it, whereas they propose to add 500,000 won per year to the existing budget, funded by land taxes. My approach involves reforming the entire system, reducing the budget by 70%, and then distributing the funds.

I was the first to coin the term “Spirit of the Times” in relation to the 33 Policies. When asked about the Spirit of the Times, a spokesperson for the People Power Party mentioned “fairness and childbirth.” However, these are already encompassed within my 33 Policies. My policies include reducing the number of National Assembly members to 100, making their positions honorary and unpaid, providing dividends to the public, and implementing childbirth policies. Many 40 and 50-year-olds are unmarried, and my policy offers 300 million won for marriage. The 33 Policies address all aspects of the Spirit of the Times.

5. Expert Endorsement of Huh Kyung-young’s Policies
   Professor Kang Sung-jin of Korea University, a leading economist, stated that only Huh Kyung-young’s pledges align with the original intent of basic income. He argued that other candidates’ basic income proposals are merely variations of “pocket money.” He explicitly wrote in the Munhwa Ilbo that “the most suitable proposal for the principle of basic income in Korea is that of Huh Kyung-young, the representative of the National Revolutionary Party.”

My proposal is to provide 18 million won per year (1.5 million won per month) to all citizens aged 18 and above for life, which exceeds 50% of the current per capita national income. This amount is substantial enough to be called a basic income.

Professor Kang initially questioned how existing welfare programs would be handled and how the vast funds would be procured. My answer is clear: existing welfare programs, except for disability welfare and basic old-age pensions, such as the 200 trillion won allocated to basic livelihood recipients, will be abolished. These funds will then be distributed to the public as the National Dividend. For example, if a couple receives 3 million won and has one child, the amount increases. This resolves the issue.

Other proposals, like Governor Lee Jae-myung’s 500,000 won per year (40,000 won per month), are insignificant. I, as president, would provide 500,000 won as a birthday gift, 10 million won for funerals, and 40 million won for weddings. Even for dating, 200,000 won would be provided. These gifts would be sourced from local factories to boost regional economies, and delivered by specialized teams to ensure quality. This alone amounts to 3 trillion won annually.

Other politicians propose “social dividends” or similar names, but these are mere imitations. I propose to reduce the national budget by 70% and generate an additional 400 trillion won, totaling 800 trillion won. They, however, plan to add to the existing 560 trillion won budget, often funded by land taxes. This is a deceptive game.

6. The Financial Blueprint for the National Dividend
   The concerns raised by the Korea University professor regarding the existing welfare system and funding are addressed. The 200 trillion won allocated for basic livelihood support and other welfare programs will be replaced by the National Dividend. Disability welfare will also be restructured. This means 200 trillion won in existing welfare expenses will be eliminated.

My plan involves:
Reducing the national budget by 70%, saving 400 trillion won.
Reforming the tax system, including tax consolidation and anti-tax evasion measures, which will increase tax revenue by 200 trillion won annually.
Expanding the fine system and reducing prisons, which will generate 100 trillion won.
Reforming the lawyer’s act to allow 5 million special business operators to earn income by connecting people to services like real estate, hospitals, and funeral homes. This will generate an additional 100 trillion won in tax revenue from previously undeclared income. This system will eliminate unemployment and allow seniors to earn income.

These measures combined will generate 800 trillion won, which is sufficient to fund the National Dividend and other welfare programs. Other parties’ proposals, offering 500,000 won annually (40,000 won monthly), are deceptive and akin to “dragon’s head, snake’s tail” (grand beginning, weak ending).

7. Personal Hardship and the Genesis of the National Dividend
   My proposals stem from my own experiences of extreme hardship. I attended middle and high school while working in three or four factories, doing jobs like newspaper delivery, shoe shining, bus assistant, gold crafting, and diamond cutting. These were truly difficult times. I often worked standing all day, which caused immense physical pain and hunger. I studied while constantly hungry, often fainting from anemia during physical education classes.

I often had to beg for food, receiving cold rice and water. I saw other students, well-fed and privileged, receiving tutoring, and felt pity for them, knowing they were missing out on the true education of hardship. They, in turn, probably pitied my impoverished state. One kind woman gave me money and a gold necklace, telling me to study hard and that good days would come. She was blessed for her kindness.

My classmates never knew I was struggling, believing I came from a wealthy family. I worked in factories where I learned skills but received little to no wages, only enough for transportation. I often chose to skip work to study, as I had no ambition to become a technician. I worked in places where I was exposed to cyanide daily, melting gold without proper ventilation. These were harsh conditions.

My proposals for the National Dividend and marriage subsidies come from this deep understanding of suffering. They are not mere empty promises from privileged individuals. Professor Kang Sung-jin’s endorsement of my policies, despite the political climate, demonstrates his courage and insight.

8. The Phenomenon of Huh Kyung-young’s Popularity
   Recently, elderly people recognized me as “the luminous body,” referring to me as a source of light, unlike politicians who are merely “reflective bodies” that reflect light from others. This signifies that I am an original source of energy, while other politicians lack their own.

My popularity is evident in social media rankings. On Facebook, I have 1.1 million followers, far surpassing other politicians like President Moon Jae-in (159,000), Ahn Cheol-soo (33,000), Sim Sang-jung (30,000), and Lee Jae-myung (13,000). My support base is significantly larger than all other politicians combined.

A professional polling company ranked me 4th overall in popularity, behind major media outlets, and 1st among individuals. Lee Jae-myung was ranked 27th. This demonstrates the overwhelming support I receive, despite being excluded from mainstream polls.

Even young politicians like Lee Jun-seok and Lee Cheol-woo have acknowledged my influence. Lee Jun-seok recounted how, during a campaign rally for Ahn Cheol-soo, thousands of young people suddenly left to see me when I appeared nearby. This shock led to a KBS special where they discussed my appeal for an hour. They recognized that no other figure in Korea could command such fervent support.

This level of popularity is unprecedented in Korea. If I were included in opinion polls and appeared on television, the entire nation would be transformed instantly. I demand a fair election, free from the exclusion of Huh Kyung-young.

9. The Importance of the White Heaven Nameplate
   It is crucial for everyone to understand that the National Dividend alone aligns with its original purpose. The professor’s concern about the 200 trillion won in existing social welfare funds is addressed by my plan to abolish basic livelihood support and other welfare programs, replacing them with the National Dividend. This will eliminate 200 trillion won in existing welfare expenses.

Finally, for those who wish to go to the White Heaven, it is essential to complete the payment for their White Heaven nameplate. Many have been paying in installments for years, but it is important to finalize these payments. Completing the payment for the nameplate, even if difficult, will help resolve personal hardships and is a prerequisite for entering White Heaven. This also supports the development of Haneulgung.

This excerpt is from a 2021 Saturday lecture by Huh Kyung-young, leader of the National Revolutionary Party. He criticizes the basic income policies of other political parties, arguing that only his “National Dividend” plan truly aligns with the original intent of such policies. He also shares personal anecdotes about his difficult youth, which he claims shaped his unique policy ideas.

Huh Kyung-young’s Core Philosophy

The “National Dividend” vs. “Basic Income”
Huh Kyung-young sharply criticizes other parties’ basic income proposals as mere “pocket money” and emphasizes that his National Dividend is the only policy that genuinely addresses the public’s needs. This highlights his belief that only radical, substantial change can solve national problems, not incremental adjustments.

허경영의 국민 배당금은 일 년에 1800만 원. 월 얼마죠? 150만 원. 다르죠. 이거는 우리 국민의 기본소득의 50%야. 이거는 계산할 것도 없어요. 200조. 이거 50%야. 이거는 용돈 수준이야.
Huh Kyung-young’s National Dividend is 18 million won a year. How much is that per month? 1.5 million won. It’s different. This is 50% of our citizens’ basic income. There’s no need to calculate. 200 trillion won. This is 50%. This is pocket money level.

한 달에 4만 원 주는 걸 기본소득 준다고 말을 하면 될까? 이거 내가 허경영 걸 뺏겨 가도 분수가 있게 뺏겨 가야지.
Can you call giving 40,000 won a month “basic income”? If you’re going to copy Huh Kyung-young’s idea, at least do it properly.

국민 기본소득 내 걸 따라 하는 건 좋은데, 1년에 50만 원, 월 3만 원. 저게 기본소득입니까? 우리가 무슨 개미들입니까? 월 4만원 가지고 생활 소득이 그렇게 되는가? 이거는 국민을 한마디로 말해서 우롱하는 겁니다.
It’s good that they’re following my National Basic Income, but 500,000 won a year, 30,000 won a month. Is that basic income? Are we ants? Can you live on 40,000 won a month? This is, in a word, making a mockery of the people.

The “Spirit of the Times” and 33 Policies
his “33 policies” embody the true “spirit of the times” (시대정신). He believes these policies are a comprehensive solution to all national problems, from economic issues to social welfare, and that other politicians merely echo his ideas without understanding their depth.

지금의 시대정신이 뭐냐고 묻는다면 330 향이라고. 지금 언론의 한번 허경영의 3 3 정책 n2 시대정신은 말도 내가 최초로 했죠. 마저 호갱 영이가 시대정신을 이야기 한 거야 최초로.
If you ask what the spirit of the times is now, it’s the 330 policies. I was the first to use the term “spirit of the times” in the media for Huh Kyung-young’s 33 policies. That’s right, Huh Kyung-young was the first to talk about the spirit of the times.

그러니까 233 정책의 시대정신이 아니게 없어 여러분들은 더 스피드 오브 더 타임스 라는 시대정신이 는 뭐 스피릿 스피릿 스피드 오브 더 타임스가 빨리 쓰다 보니까 더 스피드 오브 더 타임스가 시대정신 인데 이 시대 정신이 내 330 이야기라는 걸 분명히 우리 국민들은 다 알고 있어요.
So there’s nothing that isn’t the spirit of the times in these 233 policies. You all know that the “spirit of the times,” which is “the speed of the times” when written quickly, is my 330 policies.

Financial Feasibility of the National Dividend
He meticulously outlines how his National Dividend plan would be funded, emphasizing drastic budget cuts, tax reforms, and new revenue streams. This demonstrates his confidence in the practicality of his ambitious proposals and his belief that current government spending is inefficient and corrupt.

나는 국가 예산을 70% 추려서, 또 내가 400조를 벌어서 그 보태 가지고 쓰는 거야. 800조 안에서 주는데, 저 사람들은 560조 국화 예상 그대로 두고, 담아 1, 2 좀 보태겠다는 거야.
I’m cutting the national budget by 70%, and I’m earning another 400 trillion won to add to that. I’m giving it out from within 800 trillion won, but those people are keeping the 560 trillion won national budget as is and just adding a little bit.

기초 수급은 없어집니다. 배당으로 대체돼요. 기타, 기타 복지 예산. 그러니까 우리가 지금 나가고 있는 복지 예산 중에 복지사 중에 장애인 복지, 또 다시 재편됩니다.
Basic welfare will be abolished. It will be replaced by dividends. Other welfare budgets. among the welfare budgets we currently have, disability welfare will be reorganized again.

예산을 70% 줄여서 절약해서. 불만 있을까? 이 국민들 불만 없어요. 절대 불만 없어요. 이렇게 움직일 숙제 예산 준비는 예산 70% 줄인 게 400조야.
By cutting and saving 70% of the budget. Will there be any complaints? The people will have absolutely no complaints. The budget prepared for this task, by cutting 70% of the budget, is 400 trillion won.

Personal Experience as the Foundation of Policy
Huh Kyung-young frequently refers to his impoverished youth and diverse work experiences as the source of his policy insights. This personal narrative serves to establish his credibility and empathy with the struggles of ordinary citizens, positioning him as a leader who truly understands their pain.

내가 내 하는 말은 이렇게 굶어 먹고 2p 팔아서 정말 피파 나서는 공부를 해 본 사람이라야 우리 국민들의 배당금을 이야기할 수가 있는 거예요.
What I’m saying is, only someone who has studied by starving and selling their blood can talk about our citizens’ dividends.

결함은 1억을 준다, 남은 뭐 5천만 준다 이런 말을 30년 동안 들었다는 것은 내가 뼈저리게 고생을 해 봤기 때문이에요.
The fact that I’ve been saying things like “I’ll give 100 million for marriage, 50 million for childbirth” for 30 years is because I’ve experienced bitter hardship myself.

이것은 순전히 정말 배 빠지게 고생하고 일을 해본 사람이 만들어내는 공양이야. 무슨 얘긴지 알지? 그런데 뭐 잘 나가는 사람들이 여러분한테 뭐 용돈 주겠다, 이름만 그 차다 말이.
This is purely a pledge made by someone who has truly suffered and worked their guts out. But successful people just say they’ll give you pocket money, it’s just a grand name.

Critique of Traditional Politics and Media
He expresses deep distrust in established politicians and media, viewing them as “reflectors” who merely echo ideas without original thought, unlike himself, whom he calls a “light source.” This highlights his contrarian stance and his belief that the current system is fundamentally flawed and needs a complete overhaul.

정치인 우 새끼들, 정치권은 젊고 반사체야. 반사체. 저 사람 보내는 빛을 받아 가지고 지우가 보내는 거래. 반사체 자식들 다 때려 죽이는데.
Those politicians, the political establishment, are young and reflective. Reflective. They receive light from others and send it out as if it’s their own. I’m going to kill all those reflective bastards.

에너지가 없는 새끼들이야. 맞잖아. 그러니까 이거는 이 자체는 광원이 없어. 광원 있어 없어? 광원이 없다 말이야. 광원이 있으면 발광체, 광원이 없으면 반사체야.
They’re bastards with no energy. So this itself has no light source. Is there a light source ? There’s no light source. If there’s a light source, it’s a luminary; if there’s no light source, it’s a reflector.