Heo Kyeong-young | Speaker | The leader of the National Revolutionary Party, who claims to be a divine being and future world emperor.
Jo Guk | Former Minister of Justice | A figure whose appointment sparked controversy and public debate regarding his family’s ethics and the need for prosecutorial reform.
Moon Jae-in | President | The current president who appointed Jo Guk as Minister of Justice.
Yoon Seok-yeol | Prosecutor General | The Prosecutor General whose actions are seen differently by the ruling and opposition parties.
KNS Youth Correspondent | Interviewer | A journalist from KNS Youth News who interviews Heo Kyeong-young.
Choi Nam-hee | Audience Member | An audience member who asks about Emanuel Swedenborg’s writings on the Afterlife.
Yoon Il-sung | Audience Member | A doctor from Peru and an audience member who donated 100 million won to Haneul-gung and expresses his belief in Heo Kyeong-young as a divine being.
Kim Young-hwan | Audience Member | An audience member who asks about the benefits and generational reach of the Baekgung nameplate.
Monk | Audience Member | An audience member who asks about the welfare of religious figures and how to accumulate blessings without money.
Park Ho-seon | Audience Member | An audience member who asks about Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol’s role in the current political climate.
Park Yeon-soo | Singer | A singer who performs a song at the event.
3. Scene-by-Scene Summary
#1 (00:00:00) Opening and Introduction of Heo Kyeong-young
Heo Kyeong-young is introduced as a divine being who governs the universe with divine principles .
The audience is asked to welcome him with applause .
#2 (00:00:07) Discussion on Jo Guk and Political Ethics
Heo Kyeong-young states that the average morality of the Korean people is represented by Minister Jo Guk .
He suggests that parliamentary confirmation hearings should be abolished for future presidential appointments .
He believes that excessively scrutinizing a person’s family relationships is undesirable .
He argues that the immorality of family members is often rationalized, which is not ideal .
He emphasizes that one should not show favoritism, even to one’s own children .
He explains that people often help the children of figures like ministers or professors without direct requests .
He states that such actions, done unknowingly by others, later become problematic .
He believes that Jo Guk’s morality is not below the general standard of the Korean people .
He considers Jo Guk a moral person .
He reiterates that excessive scrutiny of such matters is undesirable .
He avoids directly criticizing the government or past presidents regarding the “Jo Guk situation” .
He believes Jo Guk’s appointment as minister was appropriate and without major flaws .
He argues that a father cannot control every action of his children .
He questions how a father could know every detail of his children’s lives .
He suggests that the current national focus on Jo Guk’s verification, leading to parliamentary inaction and candlelight vigils, is a destructive phenomenon .
He asserts that presidential appointments should be accepted without extensive investigations into family backgrounds .
He emphasizes that children and spouses are separate individuals, and infinite responsibility should not be placed on the head of a household .
He criticizes the notion that a father must have exerted influence for his children’s actions .
He believes that such issues are used to disrupt politics, leading to prolonged conflicts in the National Assembly .
He warns that disputes over a single minister’s ethics, involving powerful institutions and prosecutors, will only worsen the economic recession .
He questions who will compensate the public for such disruptions .
He suggests that Jo Guk should be allowed to perform his duties as minister .
He dismisses the debate over whether Jo Guk is the only suitable intellectual or candidate for the role .
He states that the president conducts a certain level of verification when appointing a minister .
He compares the criticism against Jo Guk to a witch hunt .
He warns that such political power struggles undermine the presidency .
He suggests that if the National Assembly obstructs presidential appointments and national development, it should be abolished and replaced with a new national assembly .
#3 (00:08:41) Discussion on Prosecutorial Reform
Heo Kyeong-young states that prosecutorial reform should be pursued consistently, regardless of who advocates for it .
He believes that reforms for specific groups like prosecutors or police are unnecessary .
He argues that prosecutors and police are continuously undergoing reform .
He criticizes Jo Guk’s assertion that specific groups need reform as undesirable .
He sees no reason to reform prosecutors, as they are inevitably influenced by power .
He believes prosecutors generally perform their duties diligently as public servants .
He acknowledges that minor irregularities may exist within the large group of prosecutors .
He rejects the idea of reforming the prosecution or judiciary through revolution .
He criticizes the current government’s vague calls for prosecutorial reform as undesirable .
#4 (00:10:48) Political Populism and National Revolutionary Party’s Stance
Heo Kyeong-young notes that the ruling party’s popularity is declining due to the “Jo Guk situation,” affecting the upcoming general election .
He criticizes both ruling and opposition parties for using such issues to gain votes through populism .
He questions how such political infighting benefits the public .
He states that the purpose of the ruling and opposition parties’ conflicts is to gain an advantage in elections .
He observes that such conflicts increase the popularity of both parties .
He describes the opposition party’s extreme actions, like shaving their heads, as gangster-like tactics to boost their approval ratings .
He criticizes the public for being swayed by such tactics .
He vows not to leave the nation in such a state, calling it a “failed nation” .
He notes that the public is manipulated by these political games, leading to increased popularity for the opposition .
He warns that if politicians continue to create “fighters” to gain popularity, the public’s lives will become increasingly impoverished, deterring foreign investment .
An audience member comments that the National Revolutionary Party seems like a “good party” .
Heo Kyeong-young states that the National Revolutionary Party does not pursue reforms like prosecutorial reform .
He aims to revolutionize the system and even the constitution .
He argues that politicians must reform themselves before reforming prosecutors .
He criticizes the idea of reforming prosecutors without reforming politicians as discriminatory and undemocratic .
He calls for the reform of the National Assembly and its members .
He suggests abolishing the party system and having independent members in the National Assembly to eliminate rubber-stamping .
He believes there are many more political reforms needed .
He criticizes the Moon Jae-in government and Jo Guk’s calls for police and prosecutorial reform as misguided .
He views such calls as oppressive .
He argues that the prosecution has been continuously reformed for decades .
He suggests that if reform is desired, it should start with politicians, the party system, and politics itself .
He explains that political changes lead to frequent changes and demotions in prosecutorial appointments, causing instability .
He believes that improving the system of prosecutorial appointments from above is not reform but institutional improvement .
He states that prosecutors themselves cannot be forced to change their individual rights .
He views “prosecutorial reform” as an attempt to pressure prosecutors .
He advocates for the abolition of the party system for National Assembly members .
He states that the National Revolutionary Party aims for a National Assembly composed only of independents to prevent rubber-stamping by parties .
He argues that without such reform, prosecutorial appointments will fluctuate with changes in ruling parties .
He emphasizes that all members of the National Assembly, as a power institution, should be independents .
He also suggests that presidential candidates should only be independents .
He explains that political factions can pressure prosecutors, leading prosecutors to be swayed by political influence .
He believes that prosecutors are institutions that follow directives from above .
He questions how prosecutors can be reformed without reforming the “top brass” .
He asserts that the first thing the nation should do is reform the party system, making the government and National Assembly non-partisan .
He questions why presidents, who must leave their party upon election, run as party candidates .
He argues that a president affiliated with a party will favor their own party, as seen with Trump and the Republican Party .
He suggests that the Democratic Party also acts to benefit its own future power .
He believes that the public suffers greatly due to such party systems .
He reiterates his respect for Jo Guk as an individual .
He states that before talking about prosecutorial reform, the Blue House and the National Assembly should be reformed first .
He clarifies that individuals are not the target of reform; systems are .
He aims to revolutionize, not just reform, the system .
He proposes abolishing the current constitution and creating a new one upon becoming president .
He suggests that the first article of the New constitution should guarantee a basic standard of living and national dividends for all citizens, moving beyond ideological conflicts .
He criticizes the current first article, which states “Republic of Korea is a democratic republic,” as unnecessary since all countries are democratic republics .
He proposes that the constitution should guarantee a middle-class life for all citizens through national dividends .
He also suggests that the state should actively protect citizens from debt .
He believes that only when the constitution prioritizes human rights and the living interests of the people will the party system disappear .
He states that without revolutionizing the legislative branch and abolishing the party system, the prosecution, police, and Blue House cannot be reformed .
#5 (00:20:50) Meaning of National Revolutionary Party and Types of Revolutions
Heo Kyeong-young explains that the name “National Revolutionary Party” signifies an ideological revolution .
He distinguishes between “역성혁명” (yeokseong-hyeokmyeong), a revolution by the common people due to hardship, like the French Revolution or Industrial Revolution .
He defines “국가혁명” (gukga-hyeokmyeong) as a revolution initiated by a powerful figure from above, like himself, to transform humanity from a heavenly perspective .
He calls this a “유신혁명” (yusin-hyeokmyeong), or “restoration revolution” .
He cites Japan’s Meiji Restoration as a successful example of a yusin-hyeokmyeong led by the emperor .
He mentions that President Park Chung-hee also attempted a yusin-hyeokmyeong with the October Yushin, but it led to his death .
He claims that if he becomes president, he will become emperor within six months and then a world emperor, a very short period .
He states that his revolution is a yusin-hyeokmyeong, transforming humanity from heaven .
He explains that the National Revolutionary Party will only exist until he becomes president, after which it will be abolished along with the entire party system .
He clarifies that after his presidency, all National Assembly members will be independents .
He argues that the current constitution’s party system encourages factionalism and constant conflict between parties .
He believes that such endless political battles are detrimental to the nation .
He advocates for a non-partisan government where each individual represents their region .
He states that the National Revolutionary Party aims to abolish all Political parties worldwide, unify the world into a “Goryeo World Federation,” and then disappear once he becomes world emperor .
#6 (00:24:00) Future Election Prospects and Party Nomination System
Heo Kyeong-young predicts that he will enter the National Assembly as the number one national proportional representative in the next general election .
He aims to have about 20 proportional representatives and 100 regional representatives .
He expresses confidence in achieving 100 representatives .
He notes the audience’s lack of applause, suggesting they expect even more seats .
He addresses the controversy surrounding party nomination systems .
He explains that the National Revolutionary Party, as a current political party, follows its party constitution and rules for nominations .
He states that he cannot arbitrarily change the party constitution .
He reiterates that once he becomes president, the party system will be abolished, making further reforms to the nomination system unnecessary .
He confirms that nominations will follow the constitution .
#7 (00:25:28) Interview with KNS Youth Correspondent
The KNS Youth Correspondent expresses gratitude for the interview .
Heo Kyeong-young jokingly comments on the correspondent taking up his time .
He compliments the correspondent’s appearance, comparing him to a movie star .
The correspondent expresses his admiration for Heo Kyeong-young and his intention to vote for him .
He mentions the “Biseo-eodeogi-geum” (비세어더기금), implying a financial benefit .
Heo Kyeong-young asks the correspondent a riddle about “재수” (jaesu), meaning both “luck” and “retaking a test” .
The correspondent struggles to answer .
Heo Kyeong-young explains the double meaning of “재수” and criticizes the Korean language’s lack of clear pronunciation education .
He emphasizes the importance of Chinese characters (Hanja) for understanding the nuances of Korean pronunciation .
He concludes that Korean has flaws in its pronunciation system .
#8 (00:30:50) Continued Discussion on Political Reform and International Relations
Heo Kyeong-young reiterates that prosecutorial reform is a “useless lie” and that the party system needs to be reformed first .
He states that the party system leads to endless confrontation for future elections .
He argues that political battles are not for national development but for obstruction .
He warns that minor weaknesses are exploited for years, as seen with the “Jo Guk battle” .
He mentions a recent protest where two million people gathered in front of the prosecutor’s office .
He criticizes the opposition for obstructing presidential appointments to boost their approval ratings .
He believes that exploiting minor issues leads to national turmoil and stagnation, while other countries like Japan advance economically .
He suggests that Japan exploits Korea’s tendency for internal conflict .
He notes that Japan remains quiet about Dokdo to prevent Koreans from uniting .
He argues that Japan enjoys seeing Korea divided by internal disputes .
He recalls a recent period when Koreans united over issues with Japan .
He mentions Japan’s suspicion that Korea was supplying advanced components to North Korea, leading to trade restrictions .
He dismisses this as an excuse, stating that the Korean government would not supply such items to North Korea .
He criticizes the current political discourse for focusing on populism rather than national economic issues .
He notes that even journalists’ questions reflect this focus .
#9 (00:34:40) Science, Spirituality, and the Afterlife
Heo Kyeong-young asserts that science cannot fully explain spirituality .
He questions if science can explain phenomena like him giving “angels” to people .
He states that he is the only one who can give angels .
He refers to prophecies about a divine being appearing from the East, riding on clouds of popularity .
He describes his popularity as a “cloud” that people look at, laugh, and enjoy .
He mentions prophecies that this divine being will be seen simultaneously across the globe in the “Haein Era” (해인시대), which he equates with the age of YouTube .
He refers to prophecies about a divine being coming from a place that is both an island and not an island, which he interprets as the Korean Peninsula .
He also mentions prophecies that this divine being is both human and not human .
He demonstrates his unique energy through an “O-ring test,” where his hand cannot be separated, unlike others .
He explains that this divine being comes at the “end of days” (말세), referring to himself as the “Sacred Emperor” (성제), the emperor of the universe .
He cites prophecies that people will not recognize him even when they see him .
He connects these prophecies to his own identity .
He assures the audience that with his “National Dividend” policy, their old age will be secure .
He then shifts to discussing the Afterlife, stating that scientists falsely claim consciousness ends with death .
He asserts that consciousness immediately rises from the body upon death, observing its own corpse and grieving family .
He compares death to changing clothes .
He criticizes Western scientific views on the Afterlife as erroneous .
He shares a story of a widow who received lottery winnings after her deceased father-in-law appeared in a dream, demonstrating the existence of spirits .
He emphasizes that the Soul is not a physical object and does not die .
He states that the Soul is energy and cannot be confined to a grave for centuries .
He explains that upon death, the Soul’s consciousness immediately observes its own body and then proceeds to its designated destination, like “Baekgung” (백궁), to receive a new body .
He dismisses science as a “fiction” that cannot explain Spiritual phenomena .
He claims that coming to Haneul-gung brings peace to body and mind, as it is the “Earth Headquarters of Baekgung” .
He assures the audience that their Souls and consciousness will persist after death .
He explains that this process leads to further evolution .
He uses the example of the Dalai Lama’s Reincarnation to illustrate the continuous existence of the Soul .
He criticizes European thought for lacking the concept of Reincarnation .
He explains that people’s appearances in this life are a result of their actions in past lives .
He assures those who come to Haneul-gung that they will no longer experience Reincarnation but will go to Baekgung .
He claims that people who have been to Haneul-gung for a long time become more beautiful .
He concludes by advising against trying to scientifically prove him .
#10 (00:44:57) Q&A: Emanuel Swedenborg and the Afterlife
Choi Nam-hee asks about Emanuel Swedenborg’s writings on his 27-year “spiritual journey” and his observations of heaven and hell .
Heo Kyeong-young explains that Swedenborg was one of the world’s three greatest scientists, alongside Galileo and Einstein .
He describes Galileo’s discovery of gravity and Newton’s law of universal gravitation .
He explains Einstein’s theory of special relativity and its application in GPS technology .
He highlights that Swedenborg, like the others, was a scientific genius who later abandoned science for spirituality .
He states that Swedenborg claimed to have seen the spiritual world and wrote about it, believing only he could do so .
He clarifies that Swedenborg only discovered the immortality of the Soul, not Reincarnation .
He dismisses Swedenborg’s accounts of heaven and hell as disappointing and similar to fictional works .
He argues that Swedenborg’s experiences are common among many religious figures and not unique .
He contrasts this with his own abilities, such as giving angels, extending lifespans, healing, opening the “Baekhoe” (백회, a spiritual energy point), and preserving food indefinitely .
He shares another story about a deceased father-in-law giving lottery numbers in a dream, emphasizing the reality of spiritual influence .
He explains that the brain can communicate with unseen worlds even without conscious thought, citing an example of a mother sensing her child’s accident .
He describes how witnessing a tragic accident can lead to involuntary mental replays and emotional distress .
He explains that the brain’s mystery transcends conscious thought, with the unconscious mind interacting with unseen worlds .
He suggests that people come to Haneul-gung due to a spiritual connection, receiving blessings and angels .
He refers to this as “Baekgung insurance” for the Afterlife .
He reiterates that Swedenborg’s travelogues are “100% fake,” based on his unconscious mind’s projections rather than actual experiences .
He states that humans cannot visit Baekgung and return .
He claims that Baekgung is a perfect paradise without betrayal or evil, unlike the imperfect Earth .
He describes Baekgung as a place where individuals can pursue diverse experiences, such as traveling to asteroids, despite the overall equality and peace .
He concludes that Swedenborg’s writings lack value, as he was merely a scientist, not a true spiritual guide .
He emphasizes that the world of Baekgung is beyond human imagination, as humans only use 1% of their brains .
He describes the inhabitants of Baekgung as similar in size but more beautiful, with unique clothing made of unknown materials .
#11 (00:56:50) Q&A: Baekgung Nameplate and Ancestral Connections
Yoon Il-sung, a doctor from Peru, expresses his gratitude and belief in Heo Kyeong-young as a divine being, having donated 100 million won to Haneul-gung .
Kim Young-hwan asks about the Baekgung nameplate, its benefits for up to 10 generations, and the nature of ancestral connections .
Heo Kyeong-young explains that the Baekgung nameplate is recognized in Baekgung, not just on Earth, and provides continuous energy to the ancestors .
He states that the person who registers the nameplate gains the authority in Baekgung to influence the destiny of their descendants for up to 10 generations, including bringing them to Baekgung or preventing them from coming .
He clarifies that while the initial registrant has this power, subsequent generations can also register their own nameplates to gain similar influence for their own 10 generations .
He explains that the funds from nameplate registrations contribute to expanding Haneul-gung’s facilities .
He compares it to donating for temple construction, but with far greater spiritual benefits .
Regarding ancestral numbers, he explains that ancestors do not go to other families but cycle within their own lineage, or to relatives in the same village if there are no direct descendants .
He states that the actual number of ancestors is not as vast as it seems due to this cycling .
He assures that those who go to Baekgung are no longer bound by family relationships .
#12 (01:02:40) Q&A: Debt Relief and Welfare for Religious Figures
A proxy question is asked about Debt relief for homeowners versus those who rent .
Heo Kyeong-young explains that homeowners with loans will have their interest paid by the state, and the principal will be repaid slowly by the state, relieving them of debt responsibility .
He clarifies that the “National Dividend” is the top priority, followed by debt repayment .
He states that renters will not have their rent paid by the state but will use their National Dividend for rent .
A monk asks about welfare for religious figures and how to accumulate blessings without money .
Heo Kyeong-young praises the monk’s determination .
He compares monks to pastors, noting that both often lack adequate retirement plans from their religious organizations .
He describes the difficulties faced by monks who leave temples or pastors with small churches .
He mentions that pastors can also face accusations and be forced out of their positions, often losing their homes .
He shares an anecdote about people misinterpreting his dream consultations as actual romantic encounters, leading to false rumors .
He states that he has become the “godfather” of monks and pastors because his National Dividend policy will guarantee their old age .
He explains that monks with resident registration can receive 1.5 million won per month, and if they marry, they can receive 3 million won, ensuring a comfortable old age .
He argues that wealth does not guarantee happiness in old age, as rich people often worry about their inheritance and their children’s disputes .
He describes how children of wealthy parents might pressure their dying parents for inheritance .
He contrasts this with monks, who are free from such worries and can live happily with the National Dividend .
He assures the monk that his old age will be secure .
He jokingly predicts the monk’s lifespan to be 120 years .
#13 (01:13:30) Q&A: Overseas Members and the Three Principles of Human Relations
A proxy question is asked about the criteria for overseas members to advance from Baekgung to Obakgung, specifically regarding attendance at Haneul-gung lectures .
Heo Kyeong-young explains that overseas members who register and watch his YouTube videos are 100% guaranteed to go to Baekgung, even if they only visit Haneul-gung once .
He states that one visit from overseas is equivalent to a hundred visits from within Korea .
He criticizes past presidents for becoming inaccessible after election, even to their closest supporters .
He reiterates his previous lecture that politics is about “right and wrong” (어이), not divinity .
He introduces the “Three Principles of Human Relations” (사명제): suffering (고), pleasure (낙), and death (사) .
He explains that these three are always intertwined; pleasure is always followed by suffering and death .
He calls this the “Relativity of Cause and Effect” (상대성 인가론) in Buddhism .
He explains that the order of these experiences varies, but everyone must experience all three .
He then discusses the “Five Human Relationships” (오륜): ruler-subject (군신유의), father-son (부자유친), husband-wife (부부유별), elder-younger (장유유서), and friends (붕우유신) .
He focuses on ruler-subject (군신유의), emphasizing loyalty (의리) over trust .
He cites examples of Japanese employees committing suicide to protect their superiors, demonstrating their strong sense of loyalty .
He contrasts this with Korea, where subordinates often betray their superiors .
He criticizes the “Me Too” movement for leading to false accusations and ruining lives, citing examples of professors and students .
He argues that such actions create negative karma .
He reiterates that in ruler-subject relationships, loyalty is paramount, regardless of personal flaws .
He criticizes Korean politicians for being betrayed by their drivers, unlike in Japan .
He emphasizes that in ruler-subject relationships, personal background, education, or family history are irrelevant .
He compares this to revolutionary leaders, whose personal lives should not be scrutinized .
He criticizes those who question his personal details, such as age or marital status, as hindering the national revolution .
He shares another anecdote about false rumors of him sleeping with women, stemming from misinterpreted dream consultations .
He explains the change in the National Revolutionary Party’s logo to a more humorous image of him lifting his leg, aiming for a friendly and lighthearted appeal .
He introduces his five principles for leading people from Baekgung: Learn, Laugh, Apply, Copy, and Sing (LLSAC) .
He explains “Learn” (Learn) as self-directed learning, contrasting it with traditional “Teach” (Teacher) methods .
He states that his YouTube channel allows people to learn voluntarily .
He describes his lectures as entertaining, even with him falling during a demonstration .
He explains “Laugh” (Laugher) as bringing joy and happiness, citing his songs and the positive reactions people have to him .
He explains “Apply” (Apply) as people following his policies and imitating him .
He explains “Copy” (Copy) as people copying his policies and even attempting to replicate his spiritual services .
He demonstrates his unique spiritual powers, such as preserving a cake for a year without decay and changing water and milk with his energy .
He states that his spiritual energy cannot be replicated by others .
He predicts the establishment of thousands of Haneul-gung branches nationwide, where people can watch his videos and receive his energy .
He reiterates that individual attempts at spiritual businesses without his direct involvement will fail .
He concludes that these five principles (LLSAC) are his method for leading people .
He then returns to the Five Human Relationships, explaining “Father-Son” (부자유친) as a relationship of mutual confirmation and trust (신) .
He describes how a daughter might playfully scold her father, which is accepted due to the unique father-daughter bond .
He illustrates how a father’s actions, like drinking, can bring both pleasure (giving pocket money) and suffering (arguing with the mother), ultimately leading to death .
He emphasizes that all actions are intertwined with suffering, pleasure, and death .
He states that those who come to Baekgung are freed from this “Relativity of Cause and Effect” .
He then discusses the “General’s Command” (장군 호령형) of the Haneul-gung location, meaning it is a place from which he will command world leaders .
He explains that this location’s energy is unique on Earth .
He predicts that world presidents will come to Haneul-gung to receive his commands, arriving by helicopter .
He envisions a future where he travels by helicopter due to massive crowds .
He connects the Five Human Relationships and the Three Principles of Human Relations to the natural laws of spring, summer, autumn, and winter (춘하추동) and the principles of origin, growth, harvest, and storage (원형이정) .
He explains that these natural laws teach humanity to practice benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom (인의예지) .
He links these concepts to Confucianism and Buddhism .
He reiterates the significance of the Haneul-gung location as a place from which he will command world leaders .
He predicts that Haneul-gung will become a massive, influential center, even larger than the UN headquarters .
#14 (01:35:00) Q&A: Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol and Judicial Reform
Park Ho-seon asks if Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol can stand on the side of justice .
Heo Kyeong-young explains a hierarchy of power: the people (정), journalists/professors (이), judges/prosecutors (덕), military (운), and ultimately heaven (하늘) .
He states that the people are brave but simple, professors are wise in logic, and judges/prosecutors should embody virtue (덕) and impartiality .
He explains that the military (운) represents revolutionary power, which is above virtue .
He asserts that power comes from the barrel of a gun, which is given by heaven .
He warns that anyone who defies this order will not last long .
He states that a prosecutor fighting against the Blue House’s power is like a “mayfly” .
He believes Yoon Seok-yeol is performing his duties as a prosecutor .
He argues that the law struggles to uphold virtue .
He states that Yoon Seok-yeol is simply fulfilling his role as Prosecutor General and intends to become a lawyer afterward, not to manipulate history .
He reiterates that there is nothing to reform about prosecutors .
He emphasizes that people should avoid committing crimes .
He criticizes Korea’s failure to uphold the principle of “nulla poena sine lege” (제형법정주의), where a person is not a criminal until a sentence is finalized .
He cites examples of public figures being publicly shamed before conviction, leading to irreparable damage .
He mentions his own experience of being falsely accused and publicly condemned before his innocence was proven .
He argues that prosecutorial reform should be handled by the National Assembly through legislation, not internally by the prosecution .
He stresses the importance of protecting the privacy of those under investigation, even high-ranking officials’ families .
He states that the National Assembly needs to create laws to ensure confidentiality during investigations .
He believes that the Prosecutor General and prosecutors are not at fault, but rather the National Assembly for its inaction .
He claims that if he enters the National Assembly, he will implement the principle of nulla poena sine lege .
He concludes that prosecutorial power should not challenge presidential authority, as the president is above them .
He states that he does not favor either side, but criticizes the National Assembly for its constant factionalism and failure to create proper laws .
#15 (01:41:50) Song Performance and Closing
Park Yeon-soo performs the song “The Person Who Left Autumn Behind” .